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Gypsy and Traveler Culture in America

Gypsy and Traveler Culture, History and Genealogy in America

Are you a Gypsy, Traveler or Roader, or have some ancestry in any one of such groups? This site is dedicated to you; to help you become more aware of your own rich heritage, to help preserve your traditions, language and knowledge of where you came from and who you are.

The identities of Traveling People are everywhere threatened by the flood of misinformation that is being disseminated on the web and through the popular media. This site pledges to correct such misinformation and to present an accurate and unbiased view of traveling life as it has unfolded since the your ancestors first set foot in the New World.

Preservation of your ethnic heritage and pride in your own ethnic identity are some of the most valuable assets that any parents can leave to their children and grandchildren. To be of Gypsy or Traveler background is something special, something to be treasured along with the language, customs, and cultural values embodied in a unique way of life.

If you want to learn more about your family and your ethnic group, whether you be of Cale, Hungarian-Slovak, Ludar, Rom, Romnichel or Sinti Gypsy or American (Roader), English, German, Irish or Scotch Traveler background we will provide you with an interactive forum for asking questions, finding lost relatives, guidance to accurate sources, exchanging information as well as just keeping in touch with your own kind.

To get started just send a note to ASK MATT specifying what kind of Gypsy you are and in which family background you are interested.

The foundation on which this site is built is a rich storehouse of data of every imaginable kind: documentary sources, oral histories and observations of traveling life collected in over 35 years of unpaid research by Matt and Sheila Salo. The Salos have dedicated their lives to providing a true history of traveling life in America and to dispelling the myths that are currently being spread on the web and other media.

This endeavor is based on the premise that every kind of Gypsy and Traveler has a right to his or her own identity, whatever it might be. Each of you has a unique heritage that your ancestors nurtured over centuries of hardship and persecution. Now those rich and unique identities are in danger of being lost as more and more people lose the sense of who they are; customs, language and traditional life patterns are not being passed on; some people are even becoming ashamed of their Gypsy or Traveler identities.

Again, email any specific inquiries into American Gypsy or Traveler history, culture and genealogy to Matt T. Salo at ASK MATT .

Forthcoming: This history and culture page under preparation will be divided into subject areas that you can access separately depending on your interests. If you seek information sources, have specific questions, or want to broaden your horizons by learning about other groups, we will provide the best, most accurate information available. You will not be fed speculations about Melungeons, hordes of Gypsies in Colonial America, or Gypsies and Travelers as hapless victims or criminal castes - instead all our information will be based on actual verified data that truly represents the experience of your people in America since your ancestors first arrived here.

Culture and language are not easily lost and, unless you are among those few unfortunate individuals whose parents or grandparents misguidedly tried to separate themselves and their families from their roots, you should easily be able to pick up traits of language and culture that indicate your origins. We will begin with a brief overview of the different groups to orient those among you who are not quite sure of where they belong. More detailed descriptions will follow.

Gypsy and Traveler Groups in the United States

Cale: Spanish Gypsies, or Gitanos, are found primarily in the metropolitan centers of the East and West coasts. A small community of only a few families.

English Travelers: Fairly amorphous group, possibly formed along same lines as Roaders (see below), but taking shape already in England before their emigration to the US starting in early 1880s. Associate mainly with Romnichels. Boundaries and numbers uncertain.

Hungarian-Slovak: Mainly sedentary Gypsies found primarily in the industrial cities of northern U.S. Number in few thousands. Noted for playing "Gypsy music" in cafes, night clubs and restaurants.

Irish Travelers: Peripatetic group that is ethnically Irish and does not identify itself as "Gypsy," although sometimes called "Irish Gypsies." Widely scattered, but somewhat concentrated in the southern states. Estimates vary but about 10,000 should be close to the actual numbers.

Ludar: Gypsies from the Banat area, also called Rumanian Gypsies. Arrived after 1880. Have about the same number of families as the Rom, but actual numbers are unknown.

Roaders or Roadies: Native born Americans who have led a traveling life similar to that of the Gypsies and Travelers, but who were not originally descended from those groups. Numbers unknown as not all families studied.

Rom: Gypsies of East European origin who arrived after 1880. Mostly urban, they are scattered across the entire country. One of the larger groups in the US, possibly in the 55-60,000 range.

Romnichels: English Gypsies who arrived beginning in 1850. Scattered across the entire country, but tend to be somewhat more rural than the other Gypsy groups. Many families are now on their way to being assimilated, hence estimation of numbers depends on criteria used.

Scottish Travelers: Ethnically Scottish, but separated for centuries from mainstream society in Scotland where they were known as Tinkers. Some came to Canada after 1850 and to the United States in appreciable numbers after 1880. Over 100 distinct clans have been identified but total numbers not known.

Sinti: Little studied early group of German Gypsies in the United States consisting of few families heavily assimilated with both non-Gypsy and Romnichel populations. No figures are available.

Yenisch: Mostly assimilated group of ethnic Germans, misidentified as Gypsies, who formed an occupational caste of basket makers and founded an entire community in Pennsylvania after their immigration starting 1840. Because of assimilation current numbers are impossible to determine.

This inventory leaves out several Gypsy groups that have immigrated since 1970 due to the unrest and renewed persecution in Eastern Europe after the collapse of Communism. They have come from Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania, the former Yugoslavian area, and possibly other countries. They number in few thousands by now, but their numbers are likely to increase.

Copyright @ 2002 Matt T. Salo

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Gypsy Roma and Traveller History and Culture

Gypsy Roma and Traveller people belong to minority ethnic groups that have contributed to British society for centuries. Their distinctive way of life and traditions manifest themselves in nomadism, the centrality of their extended family, unique languages and entrepreneurial economy. It is reported that there are around 300,000 Travellers in the UK and they are one of the most disadvantaged groups. The real population may be different as some members of these communities do not participate in the census .

The Traveller Movement works predominantly with ethnic Gypsy, Roma, and Irish Traveller Communities.

Irish Travellers and Romany Gypsies

Irish Travellers

Traditionally, Irish Travellers are a nomadic group of people from Ireland but have a separate identity, heritage and culture to the community in general. An Irish Traveller presence can be traced back to 12th century Ireland, with migrations to Great Britain in the early 19th century. The Irish Traveller community is categorised as an ethnic minority group under the Race Relations Act, 1976 (amended 2000); the Human Rights Act 1998; and the Equality Act 2010. Some Travellers of Irish heritage identify as Pavee or Minceir, which are words from the Irish Traveller language, Shelta.

Romany Gypsies

Romany Gypsies have been in Britain since at least 1515 after migrating from continental Europe during the Roma migration from India. The term Gypsy comes from “Egyptian” which is what the settled population perceived them to be because of their dark complexion. In reality, linguistic analysis of the Romani language proves that Romany Gypsies, like the European Roma, originally came from Northern India, probably around the 12th century. French Manush Gypsies have a similar origin and culture to Romany Gypsies.

There are other groups of Travellers who may travel through Britain, such as Scottish Travellers, Welsh Travellers and English Travellers, many of whom can trace a nomadic heritage back for many generations and who may have married into or outside of more traditional Irish Traveller and Romany Gypsy families. There were already indigenous nomadic people in Britain when the Romany Gypsies first arrived hundreds of years ago and the different cultures/ethnicities have to some extent merged.

Number of Gypsies and Travellers in Britain

This year, the 2021 Census included a “Roma” category for the first time, following in the footsteps of the 2011 Census which included a “Gypsy and Irish Traveller” category. The 2021 Census statistics have not yet been released but the 2011 Census put the combined Gypsy and Irish Traveller population in England and Wales as 57,680. This was recognised by many as an underestimate for various reasons. For instance, it varies greatly with data collected locally such as from the Gypsy Traveller Accommodation Needs Assessments, which total the Traveller population at just over 120,000, according to our research.

Other academic estimates of the combined Gypsy, Irish Traveller and other Traveller population range from 120,000 to 300,000. Ethnic monitoring data of the Gypsy Traveller population is rarely collected by key service providers in health, employment, planning and criminal justice.

Where Gypsies and Travellers Live

Although most Gypsies and Travellers see travelling as part of their identity, they can choose to live in different ways including:

  • moving regularly around the country from site to site and being ‘on the road’
  • living permanently in caravans or mobile homes, on sites provided by the council, or on private sites
  • living in settled accommodation during winter or school term-time, travelling during the summer months
  • living in ‘bricks and mortar’ housing, settled together, but still retaining a strong commitment to Gypsy/Traveller culture and traditions

Currently, their nomadic life is being threatened by the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill, that is currently being deliberated in Parliament, To find out more or get involved with opposing this bill, please visit here

Although Travellers speak English in most situations, they often speak to each other in their own language; for Irish Travellers this is called Cant or Gammon* and Gypsies speak Romani, which is the only indigenous language in the UK with Indic roots.

*Sometimes referred to as “Shelta” by linguists and academics

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New Travellers and Show People

There are also Traveller groups which are known as ‘cultural’ rather than ‘ethnic’ Travellers. These include ‘new’ Travellers and Showmen. Most of the information on this page relates to ethnic Travellers but ‘Showmen’ do share many cultural traits with ethnic Travellers.

Show People are a cultural minority that have owned and operated funfairs and circuses for many generations and their identity is connected to their family businesses. They operate rides and attractions that can be seen throughout the summer months at funfairs. They generally have winter quarters where the family settles to repair the machinery that they operate and prepare for the next travelling season. Most Show People belong to the Showmen’s Guild which is an organisation that provides economic and social regulation and advocacy for Show People. The Showman’s Guild works with both central and local governments to protect the economic interests of its members.

The term New Travellers refers to people sometimes referred to as “New Age Travellers”. They are generally people who have taken to life ‘on the road’ in their own lifetime, though some New Traveller families claim to have been on the road for three consecutive generations. The New Traveller culture grew out of the hippie and free-festival movements of the 1960s and 1970s.

Barge Travellers are similar to New Travellers but live on the UK’s 2,200 miles of canals. They form a distinct group in the canal network and many are former ‘new’ Travellers who moved onto the canals after changes to the law made the free festival circuit and a life on the road almost untenable. Many New Travellers have also settled into private sites or rural communes although a few groups are still travelling.

If you are a new age Traveller and require support please contact Friends, Families, and Travellers (FFT) .

Differences and Values

Differences Between Gypsies, Travellers, and Roma

Gypsies, Roma and Travellers are often categorised together under the “Roma” definition in Europe and under the acronym “GRT” in Britain. These communities and other nomadic groups, such as Scottish and English Travellers, Show People and New Travellers, share a number of characteristics in common: the importance of family and/or community networks; the nomadic way of life, a tendency toward self-employment, experience of disadvantage and having the poorest health outcomes in the United Kingdom.

The Roma communities also originated from India from around the 10th/ 12th centuries and have historically faced persecution, including slavery and genocide. They are still marginalised and ghettoised in many Eastern European countries (Greece, Bulgaria, Romania etc) where they are often the largest and most visible ethnic minority group, sometimes making up 10% of the total population. However, ‘Roma’ is a political term and a self-identification of many Roma activists. In reality, European Roma populations are made up of various subgroups, some with their own form of Romani, who often identify as that group rather than by the all-encompassing Roma identity.

Travellers and Roma each have very different customs, religion, language and heritage. For instance, Gypsies are said to have originated in India and the Romani language (also spoken by Roma) is considered to consist of at least seven varieties, each a language in their own right.

Values and Culture of GRT Communities

Family, extended family bonds and networks are very important to the Gypsy and Traveller way of life, as is a distinct identity from the settled ‘Gorja’ or ‘country’ population. Family anniversaries, births, weddings and funerals are usually marked by extended family or community gatherings with strong religious ceremonial content. Gypsies and Travellers generally marry young and respect their older generation. Contrary to frequent media depiction, Traveller communities value cleanliness and tidiness.

Many Irish Travellers are practising Catholics, while some Gypsies and Travellers are part of a growing Christian Evangelical movement.

Gypsy and Traveller culture has always adapted to survive and continues to do so today. Rapid economic change, recession and the gradual dismantling of the ‘grey’ economy have driven many Gypsy and Traveller families into hard times. The criminalisation of ‘travelling’ and the dire shortage of authorised private or council sites have added to this. Some Travellers describe the effect that this is having as “a crisis in the community” . A study in Ireland put the suicide rate of Irish Traveller men as 3-5 times higher than the wider population. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the same phenomenon is happening amongst Traveller communities in the UK.

Gypsies and Travellers are also adapting to new ways, as they have always done. Most of the younger generation and some of the older generation use social network platforms to stay in touch and there is a growing recognition that reading and writing are useful tools to have. Many Gypsies and Travellers utilise their often remarkable array of skills and trades as part of the formal economy. Some Gypsies and Travellers, many supported by their families, are entering further and higher education and becoming solicitors, teachers, accountants, journalists and other professionals.

There have always been successful Gypsy and Traveller businesses, some of which are household names within their sectors, although the ethnicity of the owners is often concealed. Gypsies and Travellers have always been represented in the fields of sport and entertainment.

How Gypsies and Travellers Are Disadvantaged

The Traveller, Gypsy, and Roma communities are widely considered to be among the most socially excluded communities in the UK. They have a much lower life expectancy than the general population, with Traveller men and women living 10-12 years less than the wider population.

Travellers have higher rates of infant mortality, maternal death and stillbirths than the general population. They experience racist sentiment in the media and elsewhere, which would be socially unacceptable if directed at any other minority community. Ofsted consider young Travellers to be one of the groups most at risk of low attainment in education.

Government services rarely include Traveller views in the planning and delivery of services.

In recent years, there has been increased political networking between the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller activists and campaign organisations.

Watch this video by Travellers Times made for Gypsy Roma Traveller History Month 2021:

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Information and Support

We have a variety of helpful guides to provide you with the support you need

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The Picture Show

Daily picture show, documenting the irish travellers: a nomadic culture of yore.

Lauren Rock

Bridget and Paddy Furey with their children, Loughrea

Throughout my life I have regularly traveled to my mother's home city of Dublin. During these trips I would regularly see groups of people living in caravans on the sides of the road, and I always wondered who they were and what their lives were like.

I later found out they belonged to a small ethnic minority called "Travellers" — nomads who spend most of their life, literally on the road. While their history has been hard to document — they have no written records — they are thought to have separated from the settled Irish community at least 1,000 years ago.

The Travellers (until recently also called "tinkers" or "gypsies") often live in ad hoc encampments, in direct contrast to "settled" people in Ireland. They are thought to be descended from a group of nomadic craftsman, with the name "tinker" a reference to the sound of a hammer hitting an anvil. (The reference is now considered derogatory.)

In 1965 Dublin-born photographer Alen MacWeeney stumbled across a Travellers' encampment and became fascinated with their way of life. He spent the next six years making photographs and recording their stories and music. Despite shooting the photos in the late '60s, it wasn't until 2007 that he found a publisher for his work.

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Bernie Ward, Cherry Orchard Courtesy of Alen MacWeeney hide caption

Bernie Ward, Cherry Orchard

In his book, Irish Travellers: Tinkers No More — which also comes with a CD of Traveller music recordings — MacWeeny shows us a gritty, intimate portrait of the people he eventually came to call friends. He compares the Travellers to the migrant farmers of the American Depression: "poor, white, and dispossessed."

"Theirs was a bigger way of life than mine, with its daily struggle for survival, compared to my struggle to find images symbolic and representative of that life," he said in his book.

MacWeeney got his start at age 20 as an assistant for Richard Avedon in Paris and has since made a career as a portrait and fashion photographer. But his images of the Travellers reveal a raw and intimate side to his work.

"Traveller families have always been very close-knit, held together in a tight unspoken knot, with lifelong bonds and sometimes varying a lifelong set of troubles," he said.

Today, however, the Traveller lifestyle has changed dramatically from even a few decades ago. Many have embraced modern culture and become "settled," no longer living apart from the mainstream. There is even a reality TV show, My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding , which showcases Traveller girls and their theatrical, over-the-top weddings.

But MacWeeney believes that the Travellers are "reluctant as settled and envy the other life of travelling." His book stands as a document of an era, and a way of life that is slowly fading into the past.

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  • Ethnicity facts and figures homepage Home

Gypsy, Roma and Irish Traveller ethnicity summary

Updated 29 March 2022

1. About this page

2. the gypsy, roma and traveller group, 3. classifications, 4. improving data availability and quality, 5. population data, 6. education data, 7. economic activity and employment data.

  • 8. Home ownership data data
  • 9. Health data

This is a summary of statistics about people from the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller ethnic groups living in England and Wales.

It is part of a series of summaries about different ethnic groups .

Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) is a term used to describe people from a range of ethnicities who are believed to face similar challenges. These groups are distinct, but are often reported together.

This page includes:

  • information about GRT data and its reliability
  • some statistics from the 2011 Census
  • other statistics on the experiences of people from the GRT groups in topics including education, housing and health

This is an overview based on a selection of data published on Ethnicity facts and figures or analyses of other sources. Some published data (for example, on higher education) is only available for the aggregated White ethnic group, and is not included here.

Through this report, we sometimes make comparisons with national averages. While in other reports we might compare with another ethnic group (usually White British), we have made this decision here because of the relatively small impact the GRT group has on the overall national average.

The term Gypsy, Roma and Traveller has been used to describe a range of ethnic groups or people with nomadic ways of life who are not from a specific ethnicity.

In the UK, it is common in data collections to differentiate between:

  • Gypsies (including English Gypsies, Scottish Gypsies or Travellers, Welsh Gypsies and other Romany people)
  • Irish Travellers (who have specific Irish roots)
  • Roma, understood to be more recent migrants from Central and Eastern Europe

The term Traveller can also encompass groups that travel. This includes, but is not limited to, New Travellers, Boaters, Bargees and Showpeople. (See the House of Commons Committee report on Tackling inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities .)

For the first time, the 2011 Census ethnic group question included a tick box for the ethnic group ‘Gypsy or Irish Traveller’. This was not intended for people who identify as Roma because they are a distinct group with different needs to Gypsy or Irish Travellers.

The 2021 Census had a ‘Gypsy or Irish Traveller’ category, and a new ‘Roma’ category.

A 2018 YouGov poll found that 66% of people in the UK wrongly viewed GRT not to be an ethnic group, with many mistaking them as a single group (PDF). It is therefore important that GRT communities are categorised correctly on data forms, using separate tick boxes when possible to reflect this.

The 2011 Census figures used in this report and on Ethnicity facts and figures are based on respondents who chose to identify with the Gypsy or Irish Traveller ethnic group. People who chose to write in Roma as their ethnicity were allocated to the White Other group, and data for them is not included here. Other data, such as that from the Department for Education, includes Roma as a category combined with Gypsy, with Irish Traveller shown separately.

The commentary in this report uses the specific classifications in each dataset. Users should exercise caution when comparing different datasets, for example between education data (which uses Gypsy/Roma, and Irish Traveller in 2 separate categories) and the Census (which uses Gypsy and Irish Traveller together, but excludes data for people who identify as Roma).

Finally, it should be noted that there is also a distinction that the government makes, for the purposes of planning policy, between those who travel and the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller ethnicities. The Department for Communities and Local Government (at the time, now the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities) planning policy for traveller sites (PDF) defines "gypsies and travellers" as:

"Persons of nomadic habit of life whatever their race or origin, including such persons who on grounds only of their own or their family’s or dependants’ educational or health needs or old age have ceased to travel temporarily, but excluding members of an organised group of travelling showpeople or circus people travelling together as such."

This definition for planning purposes includes any person with a nomadic habit, whether or not they might have identified as Gypsy, Roma or Traveller in a data collection.

The April 2019 House of Commons Women and Equalities Select Committee report on inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities noted that there was a lack of data on these groups.

The next section highlights some of the problems associated with collecting data on these groups, and what is available. Some of the points made about surveys, sample sizes and administrative data are generally applicable to any group with a small population.

Improving data for the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller populations, as well as other under-represented groups in the population is part of the recommendations in the Inclusive Data Taskforce report and the key activities described in the ONS response to them. For example, in response to recommendation 3 of the report, ONS, RDU and others will "build on existing work and develop new collaborative initiatives and action plans to improve inclusion of under-represented population groups in UK data in partnership with others across government and more widely".

Also, the ONS response to recommendation 4 notes the development of a range of strategies to improve the UK data infrastructure and fill data gaps to provide more granular data through new or boosted surveys and data linkage. Recommendation 6 notes that research will be undertaken using innovative methods best suited to the research question and prospective participants, to understand more about the lived experiences of several groups under-represented in UK data and evidence, such as people from Gypsy, Roma and Traveller groups.

4.1 Classifications

In some data collections, the option for people to identify as Gypsy, Roma or Traveller is not available. Any data grouped to the 5 aggregated ethnic groups does not show the groups separately. Data based on the 2001 Census does not show them separately as there was no category for people identifying as Gypsy, Roma or Traveller. As part of our Quality Improvement Plan, the Race Disparity Unit (RDU) has committed to working with government departments to maintain a harmonised approach to collecting data about Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people using the GSS harmonised classification. The harmonised classification is currently based on the 2011 Census, and an update is currently being considered by the Office for National Statistics (ONS).

In particular, RDU has identified working with DHSC and NHS Digital colleagues as a priority – the NHS classification is based on 2001 Census classifications and does not capture information on any of the GRT groups separately (they were categorised as White Other in the 2001 Census). Some of these issues have been outlined in the quarterly reports on progress to address COVID-19 health inequalities .

Research into how similar or different the aggregate ethnic groups are shows how many datasets are available for the GRT group.

Further information on the importance of harmonisation is also available.

4.2 Census data

A main source of data on the Gypsy and Irish Traveller groups is the 2011 Census. This will be replaced by the 2021 Census when results are published by the ONS. The statistics in this summary use information from Ethnicity facts and figures and the Census section of ONS’s NOMIS website.

4.3 Survey data

It is often difficult to conclude at any one point in time whether a disparity is significant for the GRT population, as the population is so small in comparison to other ethnic groups.

Even a large sample survey like the Annual Population Survey (APS) has a small number of responses from the Gypsy and Irish Traveller ethnic group each year. Analysis of 3 years of combined data for 2016, 2017 and 2018 showed there were 62 people in the sample (out of around 500,000 sampled cases in total over those 3 years) in England and Wales. Another large survey, the Department for Transport’s National Travel Survey, recorded 58 people identifying as Gypsy or Traveller out of 157,000 people surveyed between 2011 and 2019.

Small sample sizes need not be a barrier to presenting data if confidence intervals are provided to help the user. But smaller sample sizes will mean wider confidence intervals, and these will provide limited analytical value. For the 2016 to 2018 APS dataset – and using the standard error approximation method given in the LFS User Guide volume 6 with a fixed design factor of 1.6 (the formula is 1.6 * √p(1 − p)/n where p is the proportion in employment and n is the sample size.) – the employment rate of 35% for working age people in the Gypsy and Traveller group in England and Wales would be between 16% and 54% (based on a 95% confidence interval). This uses the same methodology as the ONS’s Sampling variability estimates for labour market status by ethnicity .

A further reason for smaller sample sizes might be lower response rates. The Women and Select Committee report on the inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities noted that people in these groups may be reluctant to self-identify, even where the option is available to them. This is because Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people might mistrust the intent behind data collection.

The RDU recently published a method and quality report on working out significant differences between estimates for small groups using different analytical techniques.

4.4 Administrative data

While administrative data does not suffer from the same issues of sampling variability, small numbers of respondents can mean that data is either disclosive and needs to be suppressed to protect the identity of individuals, or results can fluctuate over time.

An example of this is the measure of students getting 3 A grades or better at A level . In 2019 to 2020, no Irish Traveller students achieved this (there were 6 students in the cohort). In 2017 to 2018, 2 out of 7 Irish Traveller students achieved 3 A grades, or 28.6% – the highest percentage of all ethnic groups.

Aggregating time periods might help with this, although data collected in administrative datasets can change over time to reflect the information that needs to be collected for the administrative process. The data collected would not necessarily be governed by trying to maintain a consistent time series in the same way that data collected through surveys sometimes are.

4.5 Data linkage

Linking datasets together provides a way of producing more robust data for the GRT groups, or in fact, any ethnic group. This might improve the quality of the ethnicity coding in the dataset being analysed if an ethnicity classification that is known to be more reliable is linked from another dataset.

Data linkage does not always increase the sample size or the number of records available in the dataset to be analysed, but it might do if records that have missing ethnicity are replaced by a known ethnicity classification from a linked dataset.

An example is the linking of the Census data to Hospital Episode Statistics (HES) data and death registrations by the ONS. The ethnicity classifications for GRT groups are not included in the HES data, and are not collected in the death registrations process at the moment. So this data linking gives a way to provide some information for Gypsy and Irish Travellers and other smaller groups. The report with data up to 15 May 2020 noted 16 Gypsy or Irish Traveller deaths from COVID-19.

RDU will be working with ONS and others to explore the potential for using data linking to get more information for the GRT groups.

4.6 Bespoke surveys and sample boosts

A country-wide, or even local authority, boost of a sample survey is unlikely to make estimates for the GRT groups substantially more robust. This is because of the relatively small number in the groups to begin with.

Bespoke surveys can be used to get specific information about these groups. The Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities list of traveller sites available through their Traveller caravan count statistics can help target sampling for surveys, for example. Bespoke surveys might be limited in geographical coverage, and more suitable for understanding GRT views in a local area and then developing local policy responses. An example of a bespoke survey is the Roma and Travellers in 6 countries survey .

Another method that could be useful is snowball sampling. Snowball sampling (or chain-referral sampling) is a sampling technique in which the respondents have traits that are rare to find. In snowball sampling, existing survey respondents provide referrals to recruit further people for the survey, which helps the survey grow larger.

There are advantages to snowball sampling. It can target hidden or difficult to reach populations. It can be a good way to sample hesitant respondents, as a person might be more likely to participate in a survey if they have been referred by a friend or family member. It can also be quick and cost effective. Snowball sampling may also be facilitated with a GRT community lead or cultural mediator. This would help bridge the gap between the GRT communities and the commissioning department to encourage respondent participation.

However, one statistical disadvantage is that the sampling is non-random. This reduces the knowledge of whether the sample is representative, and can invalidate some of the usual statistical tests for statistical significance, for example.

All data in this section comes from the 2011 Census of England and Wales, unless stated otherwise.

In 2011, there were 57,680 people from the Gypsy or Irish Traveller ethnic group in England and Wales, making up 0.1% of the total population. In terms of population, it is the smallest of the 18 groups used in the 2011 Census.

Further ONS analysis of write-in responses in the Census estimated the Roma population as 730, and 1,712 people as Gypsy/Romany.

Table A: Gypsy, Roma and Traveller write-in ethnicity responses on the 2011 Census

Source: Census - Ethnic group (write-in response) Gypsy, Traveller, Roma, GypsyRomany - national to county (ONS). The figures do not add to the 57,680 classified as White: Gypsy/Traveller because Roma is included as White Other, and some people in the other categories shown will have classified themselves in an ethnic group other than White.

An ONS report in 2014 noted that variations in the definitions used for this ethnic group has made comparisons between estimates difficult. For example, some previous estimates for Gypsy or Irish Travellers have included Roma or have been derived from counts of caravans rather than people's own self-identity. It noted that other sources of data estimate the UK’s Gypsy, Roma and Traveller population to be in the region of 150,000 to 300,000 , or as high as 500,000 (PDF).

5.1 Where Gypsy and Irish Traveller people live

There were 348 local authorities in England and Wales in 2011. The Gypsy or Irish Traveller population was evenly spread throughout them. The 10 local authorities with the largest Gypsy or Irish Traveller populations constituted 11.9% of the total population.

Figure 1: Percentage of the Gypsy or Irish Traveller population of England and Wales living in each local authority area (top 10 areas labelled)

Basildon was home to the largest Gypsy or Irish Traveller population, with 1.5% of all Gypsy or Irish Traveller people living there, followed by Maidstone (also 1.5%, although it had a smaller population).

Table 1: Percentage of the Gypsy or Irish Traveller population of England and Wales living in each local authority area (top 10)

28 local authorities had fewer than 20 Gypsy or Irish Traveller residents each. This is around 1 in 12 of all local authorities.

11.7% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people lived in the most deprived 10% of neighbourhoods , higher than the national average of 9.9% (England, 2019 Indices of Multiple Deprivation).

81.6% of people from the Gypsy or Irish Traveller ethnic group were born in England, and 6.1% in the other countries of the UK. 3.0% were born in Ireland and 8.3% were born somewhere else in Europe (other than the UK and Ireland). Less than 1.0% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people were born outside of Europe.

5.2 Age profile

The Gypsy or Irish Traveller ethnic group had a younger age profile than the national average in England and Wales in 2011.

People aged under 18 made up over a third (36%) of the Gypsy or Irish Traveller population, higher than the national average of 21%.

18.0% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people were aged 50 and above , lower than the national average of 35.0%.

Figure 2: Age profile of Gypsy or Irish Traveller and the England and Wales average

Table 2: age profile of gypsy or irish traveller and the england and wales average, 5.3 families and households.

20.4% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller households were made up of lone parents with dependent children , compared with 7.2% on average for England and Wales.

Across all household types, 44.9% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller households had dependent children, compared with an average of 29.1%.

8.4% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller households were made up of pensioners (either couples, single pensioners, or other households where everyone was aged 65 and over), compared with 20.9% on average.

All data in this section covers pupil performance in state-funded mainstream schools in England.

At all key stages, Gypsy, Roma and Irish Traveller pupils’ attainment was below the national average.

Figure 3: Educational attainment among Gypsy, Roma, Irish Traveller and pupils from all ethnic groups

Table 3: educational attainment among gypsy, roma, irish traveller and pupils from all ethnic groups.

Source: England, Key Stage 2 Statistics, 2018/19; Key Stage 4 Statistics, 2019/20; and A Level and other 16 to 18 results, 2020/21. Ethnicity facts and figures and Department for Education (DfE). Figures for Key Stage 2 are rounded to whole numbers by DfE.

6.1 Primary education

In the 2018 to 2019 school year, 19% of White Gypsy or Roma pupils, and 26% of Irish Traveller pupils met the expected standard in key stage 2 reading, writing and maths . These were the 2 lowest percentages out of all ethnic groups.

6.2 Secondary education

In the 2019 to 2020 school year, 8.1% of White Gypsy or Roma pupils in state-funded schools in England got a grade 5 or above in GCSE English and maths, the lowest percentage of all ethnic groups.

Gypsy or Roma (58%) and Irish Traveller (59%) pupils were the least likely to stay in education after GCSEs (and equivalent qualifications). They were the most likely to go into employment (8% and 9% respectively) – however, it is not possible to draw firm conclusions about these groups due to the small number of pupils in key stage 4.

6.3 Further education

Gypsy or Roma students were least likely to get at least 3 A grades at A level, with 10.8% of students doing so in the 2020 to 2021 school year. 20.0% of Irish Traveller students achieved at least 3 A grades, compared to the national average of 28.9%. The figures for Gypsy or Roma (61) and Irish Traveller (19) students are based on small numbers, so any generalisations are unreliable.

Due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the summer exam series was cancelled in 2021, and alternative processes were set up to award grades. In 2020/21 attainment is higher than would be expected in a typical year. This likely reflects the changes to the way A/AS level grades were awarded rather than improvements in student performance.

6.4 School exclusions

In the 2019 to 2020 school year, the suspension rates were 15.28% for Gypsy or Roma pupils, and 10.12% for Irish Traveller pupils – the highest rates out of all ethnic groups.

Also, the highest permanent exclusion rates were among Gypsy or Roma pupils (0.23%, or 23 exclusions for every 10,000 pupils). Irish Traveller pupils were permanently excluded at a rate of 0.14%, or 14 exclusions for every 10,000 pupils.

6.5 School absence

In the autumn term of the 2020 to 2021 school year, 52.6% of Gypsy or Roma pupils, and 56.7% of Irish Traveller pupils were persistently absent from school . Pupils from these ethnic groups had the highest rates of overall absence and persistent absence.

For the 2020 to 2021 school year, not attending in circumstances related to coronavirus (COVID-19) was not counted toward the overall absence rate and persistent absence rates.

Data in this section is from the 2011 Census for England and Wales, and for people aged 16 and over. Economic activity and employment rates might vary from other published figures that are based on people of working age.

47% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people aged 16 and over were economically active, compared to an average of 63% in England and Wales.

Of economically active people, 51% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people were employees, and 26% were self-employed. 20% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people were unemployed, compared to an average for all ethnic groups of 7%.

7.1 Socio-economic group

Figure 4: socio-economic group of gypsy or irish traveller and average for all ethnic groups for people aged 16 and over, table 4: socio-economic group of gypsy or irish traveller and average for all ethnic groups for people aged 16 and over.

Source: 2011 Census

31.2% of people in the Gypsy or Irish Traveller group were in the socio-economic group of ‘never worked or long-term unemployed’. This was the highest percentage of all ethnic groups.

The Gypsy or Irish Traveller group had the smallest percentage of people in the highest socio-economic groups. 2.5% were in the ‘higher, managerial, administrative, professional’ group.

15.1% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people were small employers and own account workers. These are people who are generally self-employed and have responsibility for a small number of workers.

For Gypsy or Irish Travellers, who were 16 and over and in employment, the largest group worked in elementary occupations (22%). This can include occupations such as farm workers, process plant workers, cleaners, or service staff (for example, bar or cleaning staff).

The second highest occupation group was skilled trades (19%), which can include farmers, electrical and building trades. The Gypsy or Irish Traveller group had the highest percentage of elementary and skilled trade workers out of all ethnic groups.

7.2 Employment gender gap

The gender gap in employment rates for the Gypsy or Irish Traveller group aged 16 and over was nearly twice as large as for all ethnic groups combined. In the Gypsy or Irish Traveller ethnic group, 46% of men and 29% of women were employed, a gap of 17%. For all ethnic groups combined, 64% of men and 54% of women were employed, a gap of 10%.

This is likely to be due to the fact that Gypsy or Irish Traveller women (63%) were about 1.5 times as likely as Gypsy or Irish Traveller men (43%) to be economically inactive, which means they were out of work and not looking for work.

7.3 Economic inactivity

There are a range of reasons why people can be economically inactive. The most common reason for Gypsy or Irish Travellers being economically inactive was looking after the home or family (27%). This is higher than the average for England and Wales (11%). The second most common reason was being long term sick or disabled (26%) – the highest percentage out of all ethnic groups.

8. Home ownership data

Figure 5: home ownership and renting among gypsy or irish traveller households and all households, table 5: home ownership and renting among gypsy or irish traveller households and all households.

Source: England, 2011 Census

In 2011, 34% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller households owned their own home, compared with a national average of 64%. 42% lived in social rented accommodation, compared with a national average of 18%.

In 2016 to 2017, 0.1% of new social housing lettings went to people from Gypsy or Irish Traveller backgrounds (429 lettings).

In 2011, a whole house or bungalow was the most common type of accommodation for Gypsy or Irish Traveller households (61%). This was lower than for all usual residents in England and Wales (84%).

Caravans or other mobile or temporary homes accounted for 24% of Gypsy or Irish Travellers accommodation, a far higher percentage than for the whole of England and Wales (0.3%).

The percentage of people living in a flat, maisonette or apartment was 15% for both Gypsy or Irish Travellers and all usual residents in England and Wales.

In 2011, 14.1% of Gypsy and Irish Traveller people in England and Wales rated their health as bad or very bad, compared with 5.6% on average for all ethnic groups.

In 2016 to 2017, Gypsy or Irish Traveller people aged 65 and over had the lowest health-related quality of life of all ethnic groups (average score of 0.509 out of 1). The quality of life scores for the White Gypsy or Irish Traveller ethnic group are based on a small number of responses (around 35 each year) and are less reliable as a result.

Ethnicity facts and figures has information on satisfaction of different health services for different ethnic groups. For the results presented below, the Gypsy or Irish Traveller figures are based on a relatively small number of respondents, and are less reliable than figures for other ethnic groups.

In 2014 to 2015 (the most recent data available), these groups were the most satisfied with their experience of GP-out-of-hours service , with 75.2% reporting a positive experience.

In 2018 to 2019, they were less satisfied with their experience of GP services than most ethnic groups – 73.0% reported a positive experience.

They were also among the groups that had least success when booking an NHS dentist appointment – 89.0% reported successfully booking an appointment in 2018 to 2019.

The Gypsy or Irish Traveller group were also less satisfied with their access to GP services in 2018 to 2019 – 56.9% reported a positive experience of making a GP appointment, compared to an average of 67.4% for all respondents.

Publication release date: 31 January 2022

Updated: 29 March 2022

29 March 2022: Corrected A-level data in Table 3, and All ethnic groups data in Table 4. Corrected the legend in Figure 1 (map).

31 January 2022: Initial publication.

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Gypsies, Roma and Travellers protest in London, 2021, over new UK law

Social barriers faced by Roma, Gypsies and Travellers laid bare in equality survey

British community study finds groups experiencing high levels of poor health, racist assault, job insecurity and deprivation

The barriers which Roma, Gypsy and Traveller people face in modern Britain have been laid bare in unprecedented survey data, which reveals extremely high levels of racial assault, poor health, precarious employment and socioeconomic deprivation.

The figures were recorded as part of the Evidence for Equality National Survey (Evens) of ethnic and religious minorities, which included the largest number of Roma, Gypsy and Traveller participants in any national survey to date.

The research found that 62% of Gypsy or Traveller people had experienced a racial assault . The percentage exceeded that for any other ethnic minority group. One in three experienced a physical racist attack.

Of Roma people, 47% had experienced a racist assault, while 35% had been physically attacked.

The survey also revealed shocking health disparities between Roma, Gypsy and Traveller people and the rest of the population. Gypsy or Traveller men were 12.4 times as likely to suffer from two or more physical health conditions than white British men, while Roma men were five times as likely – both were higher figures than for any other ethnicity.

Access to health and social care services was found to be a larger issue for Roma people than any other ethnic group, who were 2.5 times more at risk of not having access than the white British population.

The survey also found that people from Roma, Gypsy and Traveller ethnic groups experienced the highest levels of socioeconomic deprivation. About 51% of Gypsy Travellers and 55% of Roma had no educational qualifications. They were also less likely to be in the highest occupational positions, and also had high rates of financial difficulties and benefit receipts.

Roma, Gypsy and Traveller people were also among the least likely of ethnic groups to be in employment, and when they did have jobs during the Covid-19 pandemic they were the most likely to be in precarious employment. After adjusting for age, 85% of Gypsy or Traveller men and 65% of Roma men were in precarious employment, compared with 19% of white British men.

The study was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and undertaken by the Centre on the Dynamics of Ethnicity, in collaboration with community groups and charities. To reach such high numbers of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people, academics trained and employed six Roma and Traveller researchers to go out and record responses from community members.

Sarah Mann, director at Friends, Families and Travellers, said: “We are hugely proud of and grateful to the Romany, Roma and Traveller people that came forward and took part in the Evidence for Equality National Survey, the largest ever participation of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller community members in a survey.

“As the data shows, the devastating experiences of people from Romany, Roma and Traveller communities are no longer just anecdotal. The racism, hate, discrimination, and gross marginalisation across the board is actively damaging Romany, Traveller and Roma people’s life chances.

“The government needs to listen to Romany, Traveller and Roma people, and concrete steps must be taken so that everyone can live healthy lives with dignity, respect, and free from hate.”

Prof Nissa Finney, who led the project, said: “Evens allows us to compare the pandemic experiences of Roma and Traveller people to other ethnic groups, which hasn’t been possible before now. The disadvantage that we’ve found with the data is striking.

“Rigorous, robust, reliable data like that in Evens is essential for designing appropriate and effective policies and interventions. There’s still work to do to improve data and data collection – marginalised communities can be mistrustful of research and of its ability to bring change.

“A clear message from our study is the need for political commitment to better monitoring and measurement of the full range of ethnic groups. This is how we’ll make visible in evidence and policy those people who have been invisible.”

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Gypsy, Roma and Traveller History Month , Heritage

Written by: Guest Blog Fri 23 June 2023

The persecution of Gypsy Travellers in Scotland – a timeline

Gypsy, Roma and Traveller History Month is a time to celebrate Gypsy, Roma and Traveller heritage, but it’s also a time to confront uncomfortable truths. Nacken, artist and activist Shamus McPhee takes a look at the history of persecution endured by Gypsy Travellers in Scotland.

A paining of modern caravans in a forest clearing. There is snow on the ground with black tire tracks. The sky is pink.

Scotland’s relationship with its Gypsy Traveller population is a complex one. From romanticised to demonised, it can feel like Scotland is determined to “other” this culture, despite its long history as part of Scotland’s story.

In this blog, Shamus McPhee, an artist, activist and Nacken , takes a look at nearly 500 years of oppression. Please be aware that this blog uses some terminology which some may find offensive.

Renaissance Scotland

Persecution has regularly visited upon Nackens, or Gypsy Travellers, in Scotland. Time and time again, we see it throughout the annals of history. Since the mid-sixteenth century successive purges have been aimed at eradicating the culture.

While records show that Gypsies were initially welcomed into Scotland, the Reformation signalled a downturn in group fortunes. The first anti-Gypsy law was enacted in 1541. Gypsies were to leave Scotland “under the pain of death”.

The year 1571 saw the Act of Stringency heighten the punishment for anyone convicted of being a Gypsy. This became the order of the day for the ensuing 33 years. Hanging, branding, drowning, pinning Gypsies to trees by the ears, lopping off ears and deportation were all legalised.

In 1603, the Privy Council ordered all Gypsies to leave Scotland, never to return, again, on pain of death. The “Act Anent the Egiptians” was ratified in 1609. Many examples of executions carried out under this Act are recounted by Sir Walter Scott in a series of articles in the Edinburgh Magazine of 1817 and by David MacRitchie in his work, Scottish Gypsies under the Stewarts . Scott’s listings include evidence of a total of nineteen hangings in the first month of 1624. It was also under this law that Jamie MacPherson was hanged , along with James Gordon, on 17 November 1700.

From Scotland to Scandinavia

Given the level of reprisal, it is known that some Scottish Nackens, or Gypsy Travellers migrated to Scandinavia. It is perhaps not insignificant that the term Näcken, pronounced ‘Necken’, appears in Scandinavian folklore as the name of an unsavoury water sprite.

Certainly, we know that Finnish, Swedish and Norwegian Romani attribute their origins to migrant Scottish Gypsies. These groups were in turn expelled from Sweden in 1637. this is part of a pattern of purges on Gypsy Travellers that can be found all over Europe. In many of these cases, Gypsies were ordered to leave and could be executed when they failed to comply.

Death and deportation

The last individuals to be executed in Scotland for being Gypsies were Agnes McDonald and Jean Baillie. The two women were sent to their deaths in the Grassmarket, Edinburgh, in 1714.

an engraving showing the Grassmarket, below Edinburgh Castle. It is a lively image with busting crowds. People push wheelbarrows full of good and dogs and chickens roam the streets.

The Grassmarket as it appeared in the 1820s, 100 years after Agnes McDonald and Jean Baillie were executed. The last hanging in the Grassmarket took place in 1784. Zoom in on this image on Canmore .

Death was not the only punishment meted out at this time, however. In 1701, Alexander Stewart, believed to be a Gypsy Traveller, had his death sentence for theft commuted to being a ‘perpetual servant’ in Scotland. A brass collar inscribed with his name and crime, as well as his sentence, is in the National Museums Scotland.

Scottish serf's collar 1701.

The collar worn by Alexander Stewart. Image via Wikimedia Commons .

Gypsy Travellers were also shipped to plantations in British colonies. As early as 1665 there are records of Gypsies in Scotland being deported to plantations in Jamaica and Barbados. Among other examples, around 1714, eight Gypsy Travellers were ‘sentenced to be transported to the Queen’s American plantations for life’.

Culture change

While the eighteenth century was overshadowed by deportations and executions, by the nineteenth century, the authorities switched their focus to a clampdown on nomadism.

The Trespass (Scotland) Act, 1865, made it an offence to encamp or light a fire on a road or cultivated ground, in or near any plantation, without the prior consent of the landowner. It also empowered police forces to arrest, detain and present before a magistrate any perpetrator. Section 3 of the Trespass Act is still most commonly invoked to pursue an eviction to this day.

A painting in bright colours showing a family sitting outside a traditional Gypsy Traveller Caravan.

‘No Common Ground’ © Shamus McPhee.

A roadmap to extinction

Following this, in 1894, Sir George Otto Trevelyan, Secretary for Scotland, commissioned an Inquiry into Habitual Offenders, Vagrants, Beggars, Inebriates, and Juvenile Delinquents. It served as a catalyst in the drive to “extirpate” Gypsy Travellers – the aim was to eradicate the culture completely. It was hoped that they would be “absorbed into the labouring population”.

A gypsy family at an evening encampment: the father, mother and four children sit round a fire with cooking pots, while behind them is their horse and cart.

This photo, taken around 1906 shows a Gypsy family camped in Galloway.

The 1895 Scottish Traveller Report drew up a number of recommendations that would govern policy thereafter. It advocated the creation of ‘reserves’ to contain Gypsy Travellers and that education to be used as a tool to disable the culture. Children were to be taken from their parents and placed in industrial schools or under the care of charities such as Quarriers and Barnardos, or on Mars ships (for correctional training). Others were to be shipped abroad to the colonies, primarily to Canada and Australia.

On a mission

During WWI, the Departmental Committee on Tinkers in Scotland sprang up. Initially this national body was tasked with the rehabilitation of servicemen and their families. It wished to “anchor the tinker” and make him prove useful to society. Soon the government, local authorities and churches were working in partnership. Their goal was to expunge the scourge that they perceived to be a blight on society. Increasingly, churches became involved in home missionary work, striving to reclaim the sinners and banish “the increasing evil”.

Semi-permanent compounds, such as that established by The Free Church in Campbeltown, were being trialled during the winter months. Parents were encouraged to stay long enough for children to be educated out of their nomadic ways. The plan was to “lengthen the time of control gradually” and ultimately to settle these families.

Dorothea Maitland, one of the Church of Scotland’s home missionaries undertook a study visit to Surrey in 1932. There she toured a camp for Gypsies run by the control committee. This led to conversations between the Department of Health for Scotland and the Departmental Committee on Tinkers in Scotland as to whether experiments of this sort could be used in Scotland. The intent here was to find a model to forcibly settle and assimilate the Gypsy Traveller population in Scotland.

Newspaper reports from the 1910s to the 1940s refer to planned experiments to settle and assimilate Gypsy Travellers across Scotland. Councils in Angus, Caithness, Moray and Perthshire all developed plans.

Housing experiments

My research into one such experiment established at Bobbin Mill in Pitlochry has revealed details of these types of plans. I have a personal interest in the site, as I was born there.

traveller gypsy

Hut number one at Bobbin Mill. © Shamus McPhee.

In 1946 a de-commissioned military prefabricated building was relocated to the site of an old mill for use as accommodation. The Department of Health took on the responsibility of running and maintenance costs on the agreement that these were kept to a minimum. The accommodation was to be deliberately sub-standard. It was feared that anything superior might “prejudice the success of the experiment”. The residents were to be “subject to fairly close supervision”, and monitored over a twenty-year period.

Within a decade of the initiation of the Bobbin Mill experiment, Mr J. Nixon Browne, Joint Under Secretary of State for Scotland, was able to disclose in a Westminster debate, that Gypsy Traveller numbers had been cut dramatically across Scotland, from 4,260 families to 345.

Still with us today

Police powers to prevent camping, coupled with housing experiments meant that Gypsy Travellers began to disappear from habitual roadside camps. Pressure applied to camping through the Trespass Act was further strengthened by the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, 1994. It bestowed additional powers on police attending an encampment to decide if an offence had been committed. It became unlawful to stop, even with the landowner’s permission.

Although the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003, allows for camping, it includes strict limitations on time and numbers camping. Under this Act, there is still no chance for Gypsy Travellers to meet and camp as extended families at traditional stopping places.

A painting using bright colours. A family stands in a small clearing surrounded by small modern dome tents. They are watching the Northern Lights.

‘Wild Campers Catch the Lights’ © Shamus McPhee.

Gypsy, Roma and Traveller History Month

The persecution faced by Gypsy Travellers has changed over time. Expulsion, execution, transportation and laws against camping have all played their part. Gypsy Travellers continue to be recognised as one of the most marginalised and discriminated against groups in Scotland today. Ongoing discrimination led to the establishment of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller History Month (GRTHM) in 2008.

Looking to anti-colonial and anti-racist models of working, GRTHM highlights the history Gypsy, Roma and Travellers (GRT) in the UK. It both celebrates GRT culture and heritage, as well as making visible the more difficult parts of their history. For information on events in Scotland celebrating GRTHM 2023, as well as an archive of films and resources from previous GRTHMs in Scotland, please visit www.GRTHM.scot.

About the author

This blog was written by Shamus McPhee. Shamus is a Nacken, artist and social justice activist. Dr Rhona Ramsay provided some academic input. She is a researcher who recently completed a thesis on the absence and presence of Gypsy/Travellers in Scottish museums.

Banner image: Big Chill at Bobbin Mill by Shamus McPhee.

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From time to time we have guest posts from partners, visitors and friends of Historic Environment Scotland. View all posts by Guest Blog

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Britain's Gypsy Travellers: A People on the Outside

Despite the popularity of shows like My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding , Britain’s Gypsy Travellers still face longstanding prejudice, warns Becky Taylor.

A Gypsy family camped in the New Forest, Hampshire in the 1890s

Two months later and Channel 4’s My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding is generating waves on television. While sympathetic and giving a voice to Gypsy Travellers, it nevertheless presents an exoticised image of their lives: the horse-drawn wagons, extravagant dresses and flamboyant wedding arrangements seem to encapsulate how they remain the ‘other’ of British society. As the opening voiceover put it: ‘For hundreds of years the Gypsy way of life was one of ancient traditions and simple tastes. Then their world collided with the 21st century. With unprecedented access to the UK’s most secretive community … this series will take you to the very heart of Gypsy life.’ If contemporary images of Gypsy Travellers seem to be polarised between vilification and the exotic, can the same be said for historical depictions of one of Britain’s oldest minority groups?

While the details remain contested, it is now broadly agreed that Europe’s Roma and Gypsy populations can trace their origins back to an Indian diaspora in the tenth century, with ‘Egyptians’ arriving in Britain by the early 16th century. Despite persecution, Gypsies established themselves, finding niches in both town and countryside, sometimes being protected by landowners who found them useful as a supply of casual labour, for entertainment and sometimes simply by the inconsistent application of the law. Their treatment reflected majority society’s deep ambivalence about the presence of Gypsies and a nomadic way of life. On the one hand it symbolised freedom from the responsibilities and duties associated with settled lifestyles – typified in folk songs such as ‘The Raggle-taggle Gypsy’; on the other it provoked an almost visceral hatred, a suspicion that Gypsies could evade the law and the codes of behaviour that bound settled society to a place and a parish.

Rather than being polar opposites, however, we might understand these stereotypes as two sides of a coin – as the product of a tendency to view Gypsy lives through the lens of the preoccupations and assumptions of mainstream society – rather than being grounded in reality. Whether articulated positively or negatively these stereotypes stem from the assumption that Gypsies were irredeemably separate from the rest of the population.

Yet, contrary to these stereotypes, Gypsies and Travellers traded with, worked and lived alongside the rest of the population: an analysis of the traditional songs sung by Gypsies and Travellers, for example, shows significant overlap with those current in wider society, suggesting a high degree of interaction between the communities, particularly in casual agricultural and seasonal labour. Arthur Harding’s classic account of the East End underworld at the beginning of the 20th century, compiled by the historian Raphael Samuel,  revealed in passing how Gypsy Travellers were part of the everyday fabric of poor urban life. David Mayall’s work on the 19th century, my own on the 20th and that of the Dutch scholars Lucassen, Willems and Cottars for the European context all confirm the ways in which the lives of Gypsy Travellers and settled populations were intimately interconnected and often how the lines between them were in fact blurred. Gypsies lived in peri-urban encampments or even cheap lodging in cities over winter alongside working-class populations, making and selling goods, moving in regular circuits across the countryside in the spring and summer, picking up seasonal work, hawking and attending fairs. Far from being ‘a separate people’, their economic survival in fact depended on close engagement with the wider population.  

The stereotypes became increasingly entrenched over the course of the 19th century as Britain’s population became increasingly urbanised and the countryside became the repository for the working out of anxieties related to the rapidly changing social and physical landscape. Alongside phenomena like the folk song revival, the cult of the ‘outdoors’ and the early caravanning movements there emerged a movement of amateur ‘gentlemen scholars’, self-styled ‘gypsiologists’, who developed an interest in recording the origins, language and customs of Britain’s Gypsy Travellers. Focused around the activities of the Gypsy Lore Society (GLS), established in 1889, they became preoccupied with the foreign ancestry of British Gypsies and with developing theories about their ‘pure bred’ nature, which often tied blood lines to Romany language use and ‘proper’ nomadic living. The Gypsy caravan, which had only made its appearance in the 1830s as a result of the improving road system, became central to settled society’s image of ‘the Gypsy’, in part through paintings, such as those of the prominent GLS member Augustus John. Fed by an outpouring of writings on the subject from the 1880s, popular imagination saw Gypsies as a people who turned up out of the blue, camped on commons or byways in their bow-topped caravan, grazed horses, sold pegs, perhaps ‘tinkering’, ‘here today and gone tomorrow’. Just as the producers of My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding promised ‘unprecedented access’, so too did numerous gypsiologists spend a summer living with a group of Gypsy Travellers gaining an insight into ‘the secret people’ before writing a book about their experiences. Crucially, such Gypsies were always portrayed as ‘pure blooded’ or ‘true’ Romanies, largely untouched by modern, industrialised Britain. As one gypsiologist, Arthur Symons, wrote in the early 20th century:

Why ... are we setting ourselves the impossible task of spoiling the Gypsies? ... they stand for the will of freedom, for friendship with nature, for the open air, for change and the sight of many lands; for all of us that are in protest against progress ... The Gypsies represent nature before civilisation ... the last romance left in the world.

Crucially, for these stereotypes to find resonance in modern Britain, gypsiologists constructed a theory around the decline in the racial purity of Gypsies as they increasingly mixed and married with ‘degenerate’ members of the settled population. They developed a racial hierarchy which placed ‘pure-blooded’ Gypsies, who were believed to speak the best Romany, at the top; followed by ‘didikais’, half-breeds, or ‘pikies’ – groups with varying proportions of Gypsy blood depending on which source one reads; and ‘mumpers’, who were vagrants with no Romany ancestry, at the bottom. As David Mayall observed:

To confuse the ‘true’ Gypsy with those of diluted blood was presented as a grave error that led to much injustice being directed towards the clean-living Romany. The latter, declining in numbers as the century progressed, were superior in manners, morals and occupations to their degenerate and impoverished ‘mumply-brothers’. These half-breeds were said to have inherited all the vices of the Romany and the Gaujo [non-Gypsy] but none of their virtues.

For gypsiologists anxious to discover a Golden Age and a pure Gypsy culture this outlook allowed them to pursue their pet theories, with any contradictory findings dismissed as the result of cultural pollution and miscegenation. This enabled gypsiologists to distance themselves from the squalid, urban Traveller encampments that existed around all Britain’s major cities and any other elements that impinged on romantic notions of a rural Gypsy idyll.

Just as the impetus to romanticise Gypsies gained ground in the later 19th century, so too did negative stereotypes, as a growing body of opinion saw Travellers as being out of step with modern society. Along with longstanding beliefs about the lazy and lawless nature of Gypsies came newer concerns about their unsanitary habits, which were seen as anachronistic in a nation that increasingly set store by its housing and sanitary legislation. Added to this were commonly expressed sentiments that they were escaping from paying taxes and consequently evaded the responsibilities that came with modern living. Such views gained ground particularly in times of social difficulty. During the Second World War Gypsies were a common scapegoat for the press, which depicted them as shirkers and deserters, able to escape conscription through their nomadism and evading rationing through poaching and foraging. As the South Wales Evening Post put it: ‘Many people wonder how Gypsies get off with food rationing. It is understood, however, that hedgehogs are not rationed.’

Lacking a political voice or a representative body Gypsy Travellers responded to this entrenchment of stereotypes not by challenging them but by working within their parameters. Thomas Acton first pointed to the practice of claiming to have ‘pure Gypsy blood’ as a means of asserting an individual’s right to travel, while scapegoating other travelling communities: ‘I’m a real Gypsy/Traveller/Romani, and we don’t do that, only the (ethnic category name with pejorative overtones)’. He observed that the effect of this ‘transference of blame’ was to divert the hostility of the accuser away from that particular individual to an absent outsider group which both parties could agree was fundamentally incapable of maintaining a nomadic lifestyle. While in the short run this was ‘an attractive strategy for the individual Traveller’, it was not without its shortcomings, as it served to confirm racialised definitions of

Travellers, equating a right to travel with spurious definitions of blood purity. It was not until the 1960s and the formation of the Gypsy Council that Gypsy Travellers as a community found a collective voice, one which tried to assert that all had a right to travel and that nomadism did have a place in modern Britain. While it scored some early successes, notably in the 1968 Caravan Sites Act, its influence both within and outside the travelling community has declined over recent years and has failed to dislodge the enduring stereotypes surrounding Gypsies.

Travellers have modernised alongside the rest of society and are not a ‘secret people’ living in the manner of their great grandparents. Crucially this change in their lifestyle has removed what settled society understands as the markers of ‘true’ Gypsies: bow-topped caravans, horses and so on. These images of Gypsies have become the rod with which their back is consistently beaten: failing to conform to romantic expectations, the stereotypes most often deployed in the popular press and by politicians are the negative ones relating to anti-social behaviour and an inability to adapt to the standards of ‘normal’ society.

This leads us back to the people of Dale Farm and the stars of My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding . We may wonder at the dresses and tut over wedding venues cancelling bookings when they find they are to host a Traveller wedding, but this translates into neither an understanding of the place of Gypsy Travellers in British society nor positive political action. Living in an ex-scrapyard by the side of a busy dual carriageway, the Dale Farm homes are immaculate trailers from which furniture-selling businesses are run. Vulnerable through their lack of romantic visual appeal and unable to attract political representation, Travellers are facing the active prejudice not just of Basildon Council but of councils across the country, which decide not only that Travellers may not stay on their own land, but are also determined that there is no place for a Traveller community within its district. It is surely time for us to move beyond the stereotypes which have served Gypsy Travellers, settled society and historical analysis so ill for centuries and instead have the strength to embrace the diversity and richness represented by Britain’s nomadic communities. Seeing 80 families being put onto the highway will be Britain’s shame as much as Sarkozy’s expulsion of Roma from France.

Becky Taylor is author of A Minority and the State: Travellers in Britain in the 20th Century (Manchester University Press, 2008).

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Difference Between Gypsies and Travellers

• Categorized under Miscellaneous | Difference Between Gypsies and Travellers

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Gypsies and Travelers are distinct groupings of wandering people. Both groups are generally considered as nomadic societies that travel from one place to another. For most people, Gypsies and Travellers are one and the same. However, the two groups are totally different from one another.

First of all, the origins of Gypsies and Travelers differ from one another. Experts believed that the Gypsies have Hindu origins. Early Europeans thought that the Gypsy people came from Egypt. On the other hand, the Travellers can trace their origins from a sub-society in Ireland. So it is very common to refer to Travellers as Irish Travelers.

The languages of Gypsies and Travelers are also different. The Gypsy people have a unique language which is closely related to the dialects of the Northern Indian subcontinent. Over the centuries, several Gypsy societies arose and also developed their own distinct languages.

On the other hand, the Travellers speak a common language called Shelta. Among different Traveller groupings, two dialects are spoken. These are the Gamin and Cant dialects.

Large concentrations of Gypsies can be found across Eastern Europe and parts of Germany. Gypsy societies abound in Albania and Hungary. Meanwhile Travellers are fairly concentrated in Ireland, United Kingdom, and some parts of Northern America.

In terms of physical profile, the Travellers look like the general population of Ireland. They have fair skin but some groupings look like Caucasians. In contrast, the Gypsies have oriental looks. They have darker skin than the Travellers and they resemble the physical profiles of the peoples of India and Egypt.

Gypsies and Travellers are two distinct societies. While both are nomadic peoples, the two societies have totally different origins, culture, language, and physical profile. The Gypsies are generally found in Eastern Europe while the Travellers usually walk inside the territories of Ireland, UK, and the Americas.

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Cite APA 7 , . (2009, October 25). Difference Between Gypsies and Travellers. Difference Between Similar Terms and Objects. http://www.differencebetween.net/miscellaneous/difference-between-gypsies-and-travellers/. MLA 8 , . "Difference Between Gypsies and Travellers." Difference Between Similar Terms and Objects, 25 October, 2009, http://www.differencebetween.net/miscellaneous/difference-between-gypsies-and-travellers/.

Reminder G*pay is a slur and if you are not Romani, do not say it and Travellers are not Romani

I suspect I am from Irish travellers somewhere in my family ancestry. I have been brought up knowing certain traditions and superstitions and adhering to them. I have now discovered these pass down Irish travelling communities as well as other ways of doing things. How can I confirm this and/or further educate myself. I’ll be very sad if its not the case but these traditions cannot be lost or faded out. They are so special. Any advice or guidance welcome

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TravelAsker

How do a traveler and a gypsy differ from each other?

Travel Destinations

June 19, 2023

By Kristy Tolley

Traveler vs. Gypsy: A Comparison

When it comes to travelling, two terms that often come up are "traveler" and "gypsy". Although they may seem interchangeable, the two are vastly different in terms of their motivations, lifestyles, and experiences. In this article, we’ll explore the key differences between a traveler and a gypsy and the unique ways in which they approach the art of exploration.

Definition: Traveler and Gypsy

A traveler is someone who embarks on a journey to explore new places, cultures, and experiences. They may be motivated by a desire for adventure, personal growth, or a simple love of travel. On the other hand, a gypsy is a member of a nomadic community with a distinct culture and way of life. While they may also travel to different places, their primary motivation is to maintain their traditional lifestyle and uphold their cultural traditions.

Traveler: Motivation & Purpose

A traveler’s motivation for embarking on a journey can vary greatly. Some may seek adventure and new experiences, while others may be looking to escape their daily routine and recharge their batteries. Regardless of their motivation, travelers often have a specific purpose in mind for their journey, whether it’s to visit a particular destination, learn a new skill, or simply relax and unwind.

Gypsy: Nomadic Lifestyle & Culture

For a gypsy, the nomadic lifestyle is not just a means of travel, but a way of life. They have their own unique culture, language, and traditions that they strive to uphold as they travel from place to place. Their lifestyle is rooted in a deep sense of community and family, and they often travel in large groups or caravans to maintain their sense of belonging.

Traveler: Planning & Preparation

Travelers often spend a significant amount of time planning and preparing for their journeys. They may research destinations, book accommodations and transportation, and create detailed itineraries to ensure that they make the most of their time on the road. They may also invest in travel gear and gadgets to make their journey more comfortable and convenient.

Gypsy: Adaptability & Resourcefulness

Gypsies, on the other hand, are known for their adaptability and resourcefulness. They have to be able to thrive in a variety of environments with limited resources, whether they’re camping in the wilderness or living in a crowded urban area. They often rely on their own skills and ingenuity to find food, shelter, and other necessities.

Traveler: Accommodation & Transportation

When it comes to accommodation and transportation, travelers have a wide range of options. They may choose to stay in hotels, hostels, or vacation rentals, or even camp in the great outdoors. They may also use a variety of transportation modes, from planes and trains to buses and rental cars.

Gypsy: Traditional Living & Conveyance

Gypsies, on the other hand, often rely on more traditional forms of accommodation and transportation. They may camp in tents or caravans, or even live in a van or RV. Their primary mode of conveyance is often a horse-drawn wagon or caravan, which allows them to maintain their nomadic lifestyle while also carrying their belongings and goods.

Traveler: Tourist Destinations & Experiences

For many travelers, visiting tourist destinations and experiencing local attractions is a key part of their journey. They may visit famous landmarks, take guided tours, or participate in adventure activities like hiking, skiing, or surfing. They may also seek out local cuisine, attend cultural events, or simply soak up the atmosphere of each place they visit.

Gypsy: Unique Encounters & Traditions

Gypsies, on the other hand, often have unique encounters and experiences as they travel. They may participate in traditional festivals or ceremonies, engage in traditional crafts or trades, or even perform music or dance as a means of earning a living. They often have a deep connection to the places they visit and the people they meet, and view their travels as a way of preserving their cultural heritage.

Challenges: Traveler vs. Gypsy

Both travelers and gypsies face their own set of challenges as they explore new places. Travelers may struggle with language barriers, cultural differences, or unfamiliar customs, while gypsies may face discrimination or prejudice due to their nomadic lifestyle. Both groups may also encounter logistical challenges, such as navigating unfamiliar transportation systems or finding suitable accommodations.

Conclusion: The Distinctive Ways of Life

In conclusion, while travelers and gypsies may share a love of travel and exploration, they are fundamentally different in terms of their motivations, lifestyles, and experiences. Whether you’re a traveler or a gypsy, there is no right or wrong way to explore the world – only unique and distinctive ways of life that offer their own rewards and challenges. By understanding the differences between the two, we can gain a deeper appreciation for the rich diversity of the human experience.

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Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities endure worsening racism and inequality: this must be a turning point

traveller gypsy

Professor of Social Change, University of Salford

Disclosure statement

Philip Brown has received funding from public bodies for his work on Gypsy, Roma and Traveller organisations. He is a member of the Labour Party and has worked as a Specialist Advisor to the Tackling inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities Inquiry.

University of Salford provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation UK.

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traveller gypsy

Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities continue to experience open discrimination and prejudice, both in the UK and Europe. Just in the past few weeks Roma people have been attacked in France as a result of fake news spread about the community. Meanwhile in the UK, the Equality and Human Rights Commission intervened in a holiday park which held a “no Travellers” rule , and a caravan site allocated for use for Travellers was subject to an arson attack .

April 8, 2019 marks International Roma Day – a day created to celebrate Romani culture and raise awareness of the issues facing Roma people . The day was established in 1990, but since this time the challenges Roma face have remained and even increased, driven by the rise of the Far Right and austerity.

The reality of their situation has been driven home by a new report from the House of Commons Women and Equalities Committee, which provides a damning critique of the progress made on addressing the inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities. It also challenges the government to do more to improve communities’ outcomes in education and health care, tackle discrimination and hate crime, as well as violence against women and girls.

The committee report demands that the government develop a clear and effective plan to support Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities, in line with the inequalities they face. The report also suggests a key role can be played by the Race Disparity Unit , which gathers information on the experiences of minority groups in the UK, by demanding that government departments must “ explain or change ” any disparities between Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities and the general population.

A history of neglect

The fact is, the discrimination and adverse life chances faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller populations in the UK and Europe have been a problem for decades. Reports from the Commission for Racial Equality (in 2006), the Equality and Human Rights Commission (in 2010) and the European Commission (in 2018) have rigorously documented the inequalities and discrimination faced by these communities.

Indeed, the most recent of these confirmed that countries with larger Roma populations experienced an increase in anti-Roma hate speech, segregated and poor accommodation, even as hundreds of thousands of Roma endured a lack of access to basic services including clean water and sanitation. With the steady arrival of Roma from central and eastern Europe to the UK, there’s a real risk of replicating the hostile anti-Roma environment seen in much of central and eastern Europe, which forces such communities to flee and polarises neighbourhoods.

The UK government’s record on Roma issues has been one of inaction and neglect. Plans, such as the coalitions 2012 strategy to tackle inequalities have been widely derided for having limited scope, little ambition and weak recommendations. The most recent inquiry failed to consider the shortage of pitches and site accommodation across the UK, which many groups representing Roma, Gypsy and Traveller communities would consider to be one of the most pressing concerns.

Yet the report represents a significant intervention against government inaction and hostile policy making. Few politicians – with notable exceptions such as Kate Green and Baronness Whitaker – speak out against the inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities. Indeed, during the inquiry, Conservative MP Jackie Doyle-Price said : “Let’s be honest: we are all Members of Parliament and we all know there are no votes in championing this group of people”.

traveller gypsy

As with all reports prepared by parliamentary committees, the government has 40 days to respond. With the current atmosphere of anti-migrant sentiment in the UK, coupled with the continuing hostility to Gypsies and Travellers, it is difficult to predict the sort of response the report will receive. But maintaining the status quo cannot be an option.

Turning point

Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities, on average, continue to die far younger than members of other communities and have poorer health than members of other communities. They also experience the death of a child far frequently than other communities. The needs and position of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities are so stark that considered steps must be taken.

So this should be an opportunity for the government and other public bodies to take more forceful and co-ordinated action. One way forward is for the government to use the Race Disparity Audit to address inequalities. Vocal leadership is also required from within government at all levels. For too long, Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities have been used as a political football, with few people in positions of power speaking up for their needs.

Successive governments have tried doing nothing, pilot projects have been attempted and mainstreaming the needs of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities has been the recent approach. But all have failed over the long term or led to very little improvement. Government needs to lead and to foster leadership in others – there needs to be coordinated plans and actions. As in most areas, resources will also be an issue, but a desire and an ability to affect change is critical. In doing so, the UK will address some of the longstanding issues for Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people and make communities more equal and less hostile places.

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AUSTRALIAN PESTICIDES AND VETERINARY MEDICINES AUTHORITY (APVMA) BOARD CHAIR

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Gypsy/Travellers

The term 'Gypsy/Travellers' refers to distinct groups – such as Roma, Romany Gypsies, Scottish and Irish Travellers – who consider the travelling lifestyle part of their ethnic identity.

We are committed to ensuring equality of opportunity for all of Scotland's Gypsy/Travellers, a particularly marginalised group.

  • improving educational outcomes for Gypsy/Traveller children
  • introducing improvements in social care and accommodation for Gypsy/Travellers
  • focussing on the above areas based on findings from the 2011 census relating to the needs of Gypsy/Travellers

The 2011 census was the first to include an option for Gypsy/Travellers in the ethnicity category. This means the census has enabled baseline data for Gypsy/Travellers to be developed across a range of areas including accommodation, health, education and employment.

In the census, 4,200 people identified themselves as 'White: Gypsy/Traveller' (it is likely that some chose not to). Organisations that work with Gypsy/Travellers believe Scotland's community comprises 15,000 to 20,000 people.

We are working to ensure equality for Gypsy/Travellers by integrating their needs into policies such as health, education and social services. We make equality considerations part of our everyday work. Find out more about: mainstreaming equality .

On 11 December 2017, we launched the  Race Equality Action Plan , which includes a specific section on Gypsy/Travellers. We also established  a ministerial working group  to take action to improve the lives of Gypsy/Traveller communities in Scotland.  In October 2019 we published Improving the Lives of Gypsy/Travellers  jointly with COSLA which includes a number of actions to provide more and better accommodation for Gypsy/Travellers. 

Email: [email protected] – Central Enquiry Unit

Phone: 0300 244 4000 – Central Enquiry Unit

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BBC

Traveller site plan for former ironworks

A planning application has been submitted for a new Gypsy and traveller site in Newark.

Newark and Sherwood District Council plan to create 15 pitches for Gypsies and travellers at the former Belvoir Ironworks in Bowbridge Lane.

The site is one of only four which have offered to home traveller pitches since a public appeal by the council in 2013.

The other three have already been confirmed as the the sites of new pitches.

The council said: "Our Gypsy and traveller communities form a longstanding part of Newark and Sherwood's population.

"As any population grows, government legislation requires that councils across the UK plan to meet the increasing housing needs of all sections of their local community. This is no different for our Gypsy and traveller communities."

Councillor Paul Peacock, Leader of Newark and Sherwood District Council said there are currently around 400 Gypsy and traveller pitches in Newark and Sherwood.

Mr Peacock said: "The government's current methodology means Newark and Sherwood District Council must find land for an additional 169 pitches, with the majority (103 pitches) needing to be provided within the next five years.

"By submitting this site on Bowbridge Lane for Gypsy and Traveller pitch provision, we are taking the first steps to meet this need.

"As part of the planning application process, consultees - like the environment agency and parish councils - have been approached by the district council and invited to submit their comments. Local residents also have the opportunity to comment."

A planning application for the site was published last week and led to objections on the grounds of potential for flooding and fears over levels of contamination on the former industrial site.

"The planning application also includes an arboricultural report, drainage strategy, landscaping plan, an ecological appraisal survey and a flood risk assessment", said Mr Peacock.

A spokesperson from advocacy group Friends, Families and Travellers said: "Gypsy and traveller families are often left grappling for somewhere safe to go in the midst of a national shortage of safe stopping places.

"This makes accessing basic needs like sanitation, education, and healthcare more difficult, which ultimately doesn't benefit anyone.

"Everyone deserves a safe place to stop and rest, and providing much-needed sites is a starting block to ensuring everyone can access basic necessities and live free of hate and discrimination."

The application is due to be decided by the council's planning committee this spring.

Follow BBC East Midlands on Facebook , on X , or on Instagram . Send your story ideas to [email protected] or via WhatsApp on 0808 100 2210.

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  4. Pin on Roma, traveler, travellers, and gypsy images

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  5. Thousands of travellers attend the Appleby Horse Fair (related)

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  6. One photographer spent four years gaining unprecedented access to this

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COMMENTS

  1. Irish Travellers

    Irish Travellers (Irish: an lucht siúil, meaning the walking people), also known as Pavees, Mincéirs (Shelta: Mincéirí) or Mincéirí, are a traditionally peripatetic indigenous ethno-cultural group originating in Ireland.. They are predominantly English speaking, though many also speak Shelta, a language of mixed English and Irish origin. The majority of Irish Travellers are Roman ...

  2. The Gypsy Lore Society

    Gypsy and Traveler Groups in the United States. Cale: Spanish Gypsies, or Gitanos, are found primarily in the metropolitan centers of the East and West coasts. A small community of only a few families. English Travelers: Fairly amorphous group, possibly formed along same lines as Roaders (see below), but taking shape already in England before ...

  3. The big fat truth about Gypsy life

    Fri 25 Feb 2011 02.01 EST. M y Big Fat Gypsy Wedding, the television series that ended last week and attracted nine million viewers, was designed to "throw an overdue light on a secretive ...

  4. Romani people

    In Britain, many Romani proudly identify as "Gypsies", and, as part of the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller grouping, this is the name used to describe all para-Romani groups in official contexts. In North America, the word Gypsy is most commonly used as a reference to Romani ethnicity, though lifestyle and fashion are at times also referenced by ...

  5. Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people (UK)

    Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (abbreviated to GRT) is an umbrella term used in the United Kingdom to represent several diverse ethnic groups which have a shared history of nomadism.The groups include Gypsies, defined as communities of travelling people who share a Romani heritage, resident in Britain since the 16th century; Ethnic Travellers, the traditional travelling people of Ireland and ...

  6. Gypsy Roma and Traveller History

    The Traveller, Gypsy, and Roma communities are widely considered to be among the most socially excluded communities in the UK. They have a much lower life expectancy than the general population, with Traveller men and women living 10-12 years less than the wider population.

  7. Gypsies, Roma, Travellers: An Animated History

    Many Roma, Gypsies, and Travellers are engaged in recycling and have been for centuries, long before major environmental concerns. We were also healers and herbalists for the "country people.". Mobility has, for many Roma, been part and parcel of identity. It's "not all wagons and horses," though, and Roma have been engaged with ...

  8. For Traveller Women In Ireland, Life Is Changing : NPR

    Helen Connors, 21, lives in Hazel Hill, a new government experiment in Traveller housing on the lower slopes of Dublin Mountain, with her husband and two children. "Travellers got their name ...

  9. Documenting The Irish Travellers: A Nomadic Culture of Yore

    His book stands as a document of an era, and a way of life that is slowly fading into the past. In the 1960s Alen MacWeeney photographed indigenous Irish nomads called the Travellers. Fifty years ...

  10. Full article: What field? Where? Bringing Gypsy, Roma and Traveller

    Bringing Gypsy, Roma and Traveller History into View. This historiographical article aims to do three things. First, to construct a working overview of historical and aligned scholarship focussed on the history of Britain's Gypsy and Traveller populations, to give non-specialists an understanding of the key pieces of scholarship and debates ...

  11. A History of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers

    A Romani wagon in Germany in 1935. There are too few solidly written, accessible books on the situation of Gypsy, Traveller and Roma (GTR) populations in the UK and mainland Europe that contextualise their long, often tortuous and highly contested histories. Frequently, these diverse populations are identified simply as 'Gypsies'.

  12. Gypsy, Roma and Irish Traveller ethnicity summary

    The Gypsy or Irish Traveller group had the smallest percentage of people in the highest socio-economic groups. 2.5% were in the 'higher, managerial, administrative, professional' group. 15.1% of Gypsy or Irish Traveller people were small employers and own account workers. These are people who are generally self-employed and have ...

  13. Social barriers faced by Roma, Gypsies and Travellers laid bare in

    Gypsy or Traveller men were 12.4 times as likely to suffer from two or more physical health conditions than white British men, while Roma men were five times as likely - both were higher figures ...

  14. The persecution of Gypsy Travellers in Scotland

    Gypsy Travellers were also shipped to plantations in British colonies. As early as 1665 there are records of Gypsies in Scotland being deported to plantations in Jamaica and Barbados. Among other examples, around 1714, eight Gypsy Travellers were 'sentenced to be transported to the Queen's American plantations for life'.

  15. Britain's Gypsy Travellers: A People on the Outside

    Arthur Harding's classic account of the East End underworld at the beginning of the 20th century, compiled by the historian Raphael Samuel, revealed in passing how Gypsy Travellers were part of the everyday fabric of poor urban life. David Mayall's work on the 19th century, my own on the 20th and that of the Dutch scholars Lucassen, Willems ...

  16. Difference Between Gypsies and Travellers

    Learn how Gypsies and Travellers are different from each other in terms of origins, languages, physical profiles, and cultural features. Find out the origins, languages, and physical profiles of both groups, and how they differ from each other.

  17. How do a traveler and a gypsy differ from each other?

    The terms "traveler" and "gypsy" are often used interchangeably, but there are distinct differences between the two. While a traveler may choose to travel as a lifestyle choice, a gypsy is traditionally a member of a specific ethnic group with a nomadic culture. This article explores the nuances of these two terms and sheds light on their differences.

  18. Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities endure worsening racism and

    A history of neglect. The fact is, the discrimination and adverse life chances faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller populations in the UK and Europe have been a problem for decades.

  19. Romanichal

    Romanichals (UK: / ˈ r ɒ m ə n ɪ tʃ æ l / US: /-n i-/; more commonly known as English Gypsies) are a Romani subgroup within the United Kingdom and other parts of the English-speaking world. Most Romanichal speak Angloromani, a mixed language that blends Romani vocabulary with English syntax. Romanichals resident in England, Scotland, and Wales are part of the Gypsy, Roma, and Traveller ...

  20. Friends, Families and Travellers

    Friends, Families and Travellers: Working Towards Equality. We work to end racism and discrimination against Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people and to protect the right to pursue a nomadic way of life. We support individuals and families with the issues that matter most to them, at the same time as working to transform systems and institutions to ...

  21. Gypsy/Travellers

    Gypsy/Traveller census analysis. The term 'Gypsy/Travellers' refers to distinct groups - such as Roma, Romany Gypsies, Scottish and Irish Travellers - who consider the travelling lifestyle part of their ethnic identity. We are committed to ensuring equality of opportunity for all of Scotland's Gypsy/Travellers, a particularly marginalised ...

  22. Gypsy Travellers: A Life On The Run

    SUBSCRIBE HERE: http://bit.ly/2ol5mam For generations, groups of travellers have spent their lives on the move, invading public parks and illegally squattin...

  23. Traveller site plan for former ironworks

    A planning application has been submitted for a new Gypsy and traveller site in Newark. Newark and Sherwood District Council plan to create 15 pitches for Gypsies and travellers at the former ...

  24. Scottish Romani and Traveller groups

    Highland Travellers are distinct both culturally and linguistically from other Gypsy groups like the Romani, including the Romanichal, Lowland Scottish Gypsies, Eastern European Roma and Welsh Kale groups. Several other European groups are non-Romany groups, namely the Yeniches, Woonwagenbewoners in the Netherlands (who may be related to the ...

  25. Traveller charity accuses Dorset MP of inciting discrimination

    The charity's head of trustees, Pauline Melvin-Anderson, said: "The whole tone of the video is that Gypsies and travellers are a problem to be solved rather than people, individuals, families ...