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Australia to buy Tomahawk cruise missiles in $1.7bn spend on long-range defence capability

Anti-radiation and anti-tank missiles among purchase which will be locked in just days after raucous internal debate at Labor conference over Aukus pact

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The Albanese government has announced a $1.7bn spend on hi-tech missiles which the defence minister, Richard Marles, said are needed “to hold our adversaries further from our shores and keep Australians safe ”.

Australia will become just the third nation after the US and the UK to have access to Tomahawk cruise missiles, with $1.3bn being spent on 200 of the long range missiles to boost the capability of the three Hobart-class air warfare destroyers.

The missiles have a strike range of 1,500km and were identified in the most recent defence strategic review as necessary, given the capability gap in Australia’s long-range defences.

The purchase was foreshadowed in March , when the US state department greenlit the sale of up to 220 Tomahawks and supporting equipment in the days after details of the Aukus pact were announced.

Australia also requested the sale of extended range advanced anti-radiation missiles earlier this year, which US congress considered in February.

The Albanese government’s defence announcement includes $431m for 60 of those missiles, which will be operated on the Raaf’s Growler and Super Hornet aircrafts, and in the future on the F-35A Lightning II fighter jets which will update the Australian fleet.

Another $50m will be spent on arming Boxer combat reconnaissance vehicles with Spike Long-Range 2 anti-tank guided missiles.

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The Albanese government is locking in the $1.7bn missile spend just days after the parliamentary party was forced to quell dissent over the Aukus pact from within the party membership. A push to remove explicit support for the agreement from the party platform led to one of the biggest debates on the national conference floor, with Anthony Albanese defending the decision to members by declaring “there was no security in isolation”.

The defence minister, Richard Marles, continued that theme in explaining the missile purchase, which will be officially announced on Monday.

“We are investing in the capabilities our defence force needs to hold our adversaries further from our shores and keep Australians safe in the complex and uncertain world in which we live today,” he said.

“The war in Ukraine has demonstrated the importance of having not just war stocks, but a domestic missile manufacturing industry and this announcement will help deliver that.”

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The defence industry minister, Pat Conroy, who argued during the conference Aukus debate that opposing the pact was akin to supporting calls for appeasement in the early escalations of the second world war, said the missiles were necessary to “deliver capability quickly”.

“As we enter what many are calling the missile age, these will be vital tools for the Australian defence force to do its job of defending Australians,” he said.

Plans are also in place for Australia to begin developing its own missile manufacturing capabilities from 2025.

The defence strategic review , released in April, called for the ADF to develop the ability to precisely strike targets at longer range and develop a stronger network of bases, ports and barracks across northern Australia.

A recent report published by the Australian Army Research Centre warned Australia’s push to develop and deploy its own missiles lacked credibility as a means to deter conflict unless backed up by US support.

The paper argued Australian long-range strike capabilities had limited benefit as a tool to deter an aggressor because they merely impose cost without changing the outcome of a conflict.

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21 August 2023

The Albanese Government is investing more than $1.7 billion in some of the most powerful and technologically advanced weapons systems ever fielded by the Australian Defence Force.

Long-range strike missiles and other guided weapons are fundamental to the ADF’s ability to deploy enhanced strike capabilities and hold an adversary at risk at longer ranges.

To build this critical capability, the Government has decided to purchase more than 200 Tomahawk cruise missiles from the United States for the Royal Australian Navy’s Hobart Class destroyers, for approximately $1.3 billion.

With a range of 1,500 kilometres, the Tomahawk is a world-class long-range strike capability. Australia will be only one of three nations to have them, along with the United States and the United Kingdom.

In addition, the Government has approved the acquisition of more than 60 Advanced Anti-Radiation Guided Missile – Extended Range (AARGM-ER) missiles from the United States for $431 million.

These air to ground missiles are a specialised missile used to target enemy radar systems. They will be operated on the Royal Australian Air Force’s Growler and Super Hornet aircrafts and, in future, on the F-35A Lightning II fighter jets.

The Australian Army’s Boxer combat reconnaissance vehicles will also be armed with Spike Long-Range 2 anti-tank guided missiles. This will provide soldiers with the capability to engage with enemy armour at a range of more than five kilometres.

Under a contract worth more than $50 million, Varley Rafael Australia is expected to deliver the first Spike missile early next year. The Varley Group will present options to Government for domestic manufacturing.

The Defence Strategic Review emphasised the need for Australia to be able to hold an adversary at risk further from our shores, by developing the ADF’s ability to precisely strike targets at longer range.

With these new defence capabilities, the Government is delivering on the Review’s recommendations, strengthening national security and responding to Australia’s strategic environment.

Quotes attributable to Deputy Prime Minister, the Hon Richard Marles MP:

“With the acquisition of these formidable long-range strike missiles the Albanese Government is acting with pace to deliver on the recommendations of the Defence Strategic Review.

“We are investing in the capabilities our Defence Force needs to hold our adversaries at risk further from our shores and keep Australians safe in the complex and uncertain world in which we live today.

“The war in Ukraine has demonstrated the importance of having not just war stocks, but a domestic missile manufacturing industry and this announcement will help deliver that.”

Quotes attributable to Minister for Defence Industry, the Hon Pat Conroy MP:

“These advanced weapons are a clear demonstration that the Albanese Government is delivering on the recommendations made in the Defence Strategic Review.

“As we enter what many are calling the missile age, these will be vital tools for the Australian Defence Force to do its job of defending Australians.

“We are buying these weapons now to deliver capability quickly – but we are also considering options to manufacture missiles domestically because of the importance of building sovereign Australian defence manufacturing capabilities.”

Imagery is available at: http://images.defence.gov.au/S20232385 DVIDS - Video - Tomahawk Launch (dvidshub.net)

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Australia to buy 220 Tomahawk cruise missiles from US

Australia will buy Tomahawk missiles, which can be launched from ships or submarines, in a deal worth almost $900m.

Australia plans to buy up to 220 Tomahawk cruise missiles from the United States after the US State Department approved the sale in a deal valued at nearly $900m.

The deal, which the Pentagon said involves up to 220 Tomahawk cruise missiles and technical support, comes just days after Australia announced it would buy three nuclear-powered attack submarines – with an option to acquire two more – from the US amid concerns over China’s growing military presence in the Indo-Pacific.

Keep reading

Why australia wants nuclear-powered submarines, q&a: australia’s nuclear-powered submarines and asean’s reaction, french envoy to return to australia amid aukus row, australia, us and uk unveil aukus nuclear submarine plans.

Australian officials said the new nuclear-powered submarines would be able to fire Tomahawk missiles.

“Australia is one of our most important allies in the Western Pacific,” the US Department of Defence said in a statement on Friday . Australia’s strategic location “contributes significantly to ensuring peace and economic stability in the region,” the department said.

“By deploying the Tomahawk Weapon System, Australia will contribute to global readiness and enhance the capability of US Forces operating alongside them globally,” it said. The Tomahawks – jet-powered cruise missiles used primarily by the US and United Kingdom – will cost an estimated $895m.

“The proposed sale of this equipment and support will not alter the basic military balance in the region ,” the defence department added.

Australia’s Defence Minister Richard Marles said Australia required longer-range missiles.

“Making sure we have longer-range strike missiles is a really important capability for the country,” Marles told Australia’s Channel Nine. “It enables us to be able to reach out beyond our shores further, and that’s ultimately how we are able to keep Australia safe.”

Pat Conroy, Australia’s minister for the defence industry, international development, and the Pacific, said the missiles could be fired from the Virginia-class submarines that Australia announced it will buy from the US.

“We certainly want the best possible capability for the Australian Defence Force, so that includes the ability to strike opponents as far away as possible from the Australian mainland,” he told the Australian Broadcasting Corp. “The cruise missiles are a critical part of that, as are the submarines that launch them,” Conroy said.

“We face the greatest strategic uncertainty since 1945. We face a regional arms race and a responsible government such as ours is dealing with that by investing in the best possible capability,” he said.

“This is how we promote peace and stability, by putting question marks in any potential adversary’s mind,” he added.

Building nuclear-submarines will transform our manufacturing sector & scientific community – as well as providing #YourADF with the capability we need. Great to travel the country with @RichardMarlesMP & VADM Mead this week & to talk with @cpyne today about the opportunities. pic.twitter.com/7Ju3KC8T99 — Pat Conroy MP (@PatConroy1) March 17, 2023

Former Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating this week launched a blistering attack on the submarine deal, saying that “it must be the worst deal in all history” because of the huge cost.

Australian officials have estimated the cost of the submarines at between 268 billion and 368 billion Australian dollars ($178bn to $245bn) over 30 years.

Officials have also pointed out that investment in the submarine project , which will eventually see Australia and the UK jointly develop a new submarine model, will create some 20,000 jobs in Australia.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the government had been transparent about the cost of the project.

“The assessment that has to be made is does the purchase, and then us building our own nuclear-powered submarines, increase the capacity for us to defend ourselves by more than 10 percent? You bet it does,” Albanese told the Australian Broadcasting Corp.

“That’s why it represents good value.”

Japan last month also announced plans to upgrade its military in an effort to deter China, including buying 400 Tomahawk cruise missiles for deployment as soon as 2026.

Why is Australia buying hundreds of missiles?

Associate Lecturer, School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania

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James Dwyer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Flying under the radar of last week’s AUKUS submarine announcement was the revelation that the United States had agreed to sell Australia up to 220 Tomahawk cruise missiles .

This follows Australia’s purchase in January of “high mobility artillery rocket systems”, known as HIMARS, which have been used by Ukraine on the battlefield in response to Russia’s invasion.

And in 2020, the US approved the sale of up to 200 long-range anti-shipping missiles (LRASM) to Australia.

But what are these missiles, and what purpose do they serve?

Do they contribute to an evolving arms race within the Indo-Pacific?

Read more: AUKUS submarine plan will be the biggest defence scheme in Australian history. So how will it work?

What are these missiles?

Tomahawks are long range, subsonic (that is, slower than the speed of sound) cruise missiles. They’re designed to strike targets on land at long-range, around 1,600km .

Newer Tomahawk variants, such as those being purchased by Australia, can also strike moving targets at sea . These missiles have been used in combat over 2,300 times .

They will be deployed on three Australian warships, known as Hobart class destroyers . These ships are primarily designed to defend the navy from aerial threats such as aircraft and missiles, but adding Tomahawks would allow them to strike targets on land or sea.

What’s more, the Virginia class nuclear-powered submarines Australia is purchasing from the US under the AUKUS agreement are also capable of launching Tomahawks. It’s safe to assume Australia’s future AUKUS class nuclear-powered submarines will also be able to deploy Tomahawks.

This would provide Australia with a potent deterrent. It would mean Australia could conduct long-range precision strikes against potential adversaries, using a stealthy platform that would be extremely difficult to detect.

Australia’s purchase of long range anti-shipping missiles (LRASM) is intended to increase the strike range of two types of Australia’s fighter jets. This would allow Australia to accurately strike hostile shipping at long range.

They will replace Australia’s ageing Harpoon anti-shipping missile. They have a range of about 560km, which is approximately four times greater than the Harpoon .

This capability is highly desirable given that, in the event of a regional conflict, the greatest threat to Australia is a blockade of its key trade routes.

Unlike the two missiles discussed above, high-mobility artillery rocket systems (HIMARS) are artillery systems for battlefield use. They use rockets instead of shells.

The advantage of rocket artillery such as HIMARS is threefold:

It can provide greater range than “conventional” artillery, which generally speaking maxes out around 20-30km . It can strike targets ranging from 70km-300km away from the launch point, depending on the munition used.

It’s precise, minimising collateral damage.

It’s highly mobile. Troops can quickly fire its munitions, and then promptly relocate, which decreases an opponent’s ability to hit it with counterfire.

Why does Australia need them?

Australia has had a gap in long-range strike capabilities, arguably since it retired the F-111 long range strike aircraft in 2010.

The F-111 could fly up to about 6,000km , but the aircraft brought in to replace the F-111 have significantly lower ranges. The F/A-18F has a range of 2,700km , while the F-35A is even worse off, with a range of only 2,200km .

What’s more, these are the ranges aircraft can fly in a non-combat environment (for example, cruising in a straight line). Their range is far lower in a combat scenario.

So the addition of long range, precision strike missiles allow these platforms to pack greater punch at longer distances.

In particular, the Tomahawks and LRASM allow aircraft and warships to launch the missiles further from potential danger. This is particularly important as countries such as China are heavily investing in military systems designed to prevent access and freedom of operation in contested waters such as the South China Sea, a strategy referred to as Anti-Access/Area Denial, or “A2AD”.

Crucially, these missiles (within the broader context of other defence procurements) offer Australia two things. Firstly, they provide an increased deterrent in an increasingly turbulent region.

If Australia can hold key targets under threat, then a potential adversary is less likely to undertake a hostile action, or at the very least think more carefully before doing so.

It also facilitates what’s called “interoperability” with key allies such as the US, so Australian and US forces can operate more easily in a joint manner if need be.

Secondly, these platforms allow Australia to have our own “A2AD” capabilities. While an invasion of Australia is extraordinarily unlikely, it’s possible an adversary may try to block shipping routes to prevent our people and/or goods from free navigation (a naval blockade). Or, they may attempt to close strategic chokepoints and navigation routes to Australia’s north, such as the Malacca Strait.

Having the ability to strike targets at long range holds those undertaking such actions under threat, increasing the difficulty in sustaining a blockade, or making it unappealing to attempt to do so due to high potential costs.

Of course, these systems also come with significant costs. The purchase of approximately 220 Tomahawks will cost A$1.3 billion , while 20 HIMARS launchers and missiles attracts a bill of $558 million . About 200 LRASMs costs a further $1.47 billion .

Read more: China's military might is much closer to the US than you probably think

Contributing to an arms race?

There is a question about whether these purchases contribute to a regional arms race. There’s no doubt China is rapidly building its military capabilities, and this is making other countries in the region apprehensive about the long-term purpose of such an arms build-up.

Even if China held no hostile intentions within the region, it’s prudent for states such as Australia to be able to defend themselves and their interests, just in case.

While many are decrying the enormous outlay for submarine procurement under AUKUS, and others are criticising Australia for being subservient to US interests or “warmongering”, the reality is that all states maintain offensive and defensive capabilities just in case the worst happens. In other words, we hope for the best, but plan for the worst.

Deterrence is a foundational concept of international relations, and these purchases are Australia maintaining its ability to deter potential adversaries. It’s not about warmongering, but about being ready just in case the worst occurs.

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Australia, U.S. work together to develop hypersonic cruise missiles

Australia and the United States have joined forces to develop air-launched hypersonic cruise missiles that promise to increase Australia’s ability to ward off attacks from offshore through cutting-edge technology.

“Australia and the United States [agreed] to develop and test air-launched hypersonic cruise missile prototypes under the Southern Cross Integrated Flight Research Experiment (SCIFiRE) Program,” an Australian Department of Defence spokeswoman told FORUM . “The SCIFiRE Program is possible due to a proud history — spanning 15 years — of collaboration with the United States on science and technology research into hypersonic scramjets, rocket motors, sensors and advanced manufacturing materials.”

Australia set aside the equivalent of U.S. $6.8 billion in 2020 for advanced missile research, part of a 40% increase in defense spending over the next decade. “The 2020 Defence Strategic Update sets out the challenges in Australia’s strategic environment and the implications for defense planning,” the spokeswoman added. (Pictured: An artist’s rendering depicts a hypersonic cruise missile similar to the missile being developed jointly by Australia and the United States.)

India, the People’s Republic of China, Russia and the U.S. are developing hypersonic missile capabilities. The missiles can travel at high altitude, Mach 5 — over 6,000 kilometers per hour — and with precise maneuverability, making them difficult to track and intercept with conventional air defense systems.

The new hypersonic weapons include guided ballistic missiles, boost glide missiles and hypersonic cruise missiles. The first two types achieve hypersonic velocities using rocket boosters, while hypersonic cruise missiles are powered throughout their flights.

SCIFiRE’s research mandate is to develop air-breathing propulsion systems that allow hypersonic weapons to be deployed by a wide range of aircraft. While the Australian Department of Defence has not specified which prototypes will be developed, it has issued statements indicating a preference for systems that can be deployed from planes, which provides greater tactical flexibility.

“We will continue to invest in advanced capabilities to give the Australian Defence Force more options to deter aggression against Australia’s interests,” said Australian Defence Minister Linda Reynolds in a December 2020 statement. The joint development of the systems also creates an economic boon for aerospace defense firms on both sides of the Pacific, she added.

The U.S. has pursued the development of hypersonic weapons since the early 2000s, according to the U.S. Congressional Research Service. The other three members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue — Australia, India and Japan — have developed many of the underlying technologies necessary for hypersonic weapon systems, Forbes magazine reported.

Joseph Hammond is a FORUM contributor who reports from the Indo-Pacific region.

IMAGE CREDIT: UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND

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Australia to Buy Tomahawk Cruise Missiles and Hypersonic Weapons

Australia on Thursday (Sept 16) announced that it would acquire long-range US Tomahawk cruise missiles, shortly after forging a new alliance with the US and Britain to strengthen military capabilities in the face of growing rivalry with China.

(adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({}); “We will be enhancing our long-range strike capability, including Tomahawk cruise missiles to be fielded on the Royal Australian Navy Hobart-class destroyers and joint air-to-surface stand-off missiles extended range for our Royal Australian Air Force capabilities,” Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison told reporters in Canberra.

Australia is also set to acquire a new nuclear submarine fleet as part of the trilateral pact with the United States and Britain.

Australia will acquire greater long-range strike capability across the air, land and maritime domains, including Tomahawk cruise missiles for Royal Australian Navy’s Hobart class destroyers, to “enhance Australia’s ability to deter and respond to potential security challenges”.

The management of this transition, and other capability acquisition options that will meet Australia’s strategic requirements, will be at the forefront of consultations through AUKUS over the next 18 months.

Back in March 2021, the Australian Government announced it would accelerate the creation of a $1 billion Sovereign Guided Weapons Enterprise, boosting skilled jobs and helping secure Australia’s sovereign defence capabilities.

The planned acquisitions that came as part of a pact announced in a video meeting by Mr Morrison, his British counterpart Boris Johnson and US President Joe Biden are bound to raise hackles in Beijing.

The move was also met with swift pushback from France, which had been negotiating a multibillion-dollar sale of conventional submarines to Australia.

Mr Biden said the work to enable Australia to build nuclear-powered submarines would ensure that they had “the most modern capabilities we need to manoeuvre and defend against rapidly evolving threats”.

The submarines, the leaders stressed, would not be nuclear-armed, and only powered with nuclear reactors .

The three leaders did not mention China in unveiling the partnership, dubbed Aukus using its acronym, but their intent was clear.

“Our world is becoming more complex, especially here in our region, the Indo-Pacific. This affects us all. The future of the Indo-Pacific will impact all our futures,” Mr Morrison said.

Mr Johnson said they would work “hand in glove to preserve stability and security in the Indo-Pacific”.

The AUKUS announcement comes as Australia has been boosting defence spending in response to China’s more assertive posture.

Mr Morrison will join Mr Biden again on Sept 24, this time in person, at a first White House gathering of the Quad diplomatic group, which comprises Australia, India, Japan and the US.

Announced this week as part of the AUKUS trilateral security agreement, the systems and activities will include:

• Eight Virginia-class nuclear submarine to be built in Adelaide, Australia
• Tomahawk Cruise Missiles , to be fielded on Hobart class destroyers, enabling Australia’s maritime assets to strike land targets at greater distances, with better precision.
• Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles (Extended Range),   to enable Royal Australian Air Force F/A-18 Hornets and in future, the F-35A Lightning II, to hit targets at a range of 900km.
• Long-Range Anti-Ship Missiles (Extended Range) (LRASM)  for the F/A-18 Super Hornet.
• Continuing collaboration with the United States to develop  hypersonic missiles  for air capabilities.
• Precision strike guided missiles  for Australia’s land forces, capable of destroying, neutralizing and suppressing diverse targets from over 400km.
• Accelerating $1 billion for a sovereign guided weapons manufacturing enterprise, to enable creation of Australian weapons in country.

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Missiles to power up ADF's range

21 August 2023

The acquisition of some of the most powerful and technologically advanced weapons systems the ADF has fielded will enhance Australia’s ability to target enemies at longer ranges.

More than $1.7 billion will be invested in long-range strike missiles and other guided weapons, capabilities the Defence Minister Richard Marles said the ADF needed “to be able to hold an adversary at risk further from our shores”.

Australia will become one of only three nations to possess a Tomahawk long-range strike capability when it purchases more than 200 of the cruise missiles from the United States for the Royal Australian Navy’s Hobart-class destroyers.

The Tomahawk missiles, costing about $1.3 billion, have a range of 1500 kilometres.

Australia will also acquire more than 60 AARGM-ER (advanced anti-radiation guided missile – extended range) missiles from the United States for $431 million.

The air-to-ground missiles, used to target enemy radar systems, will be operated on the Royal Australian Air Force’s Growler and Super Hornet aircraft and, in future, on the F-35A Lightning II fighter jets.

Meanwhile, Army’s Boxer combat reconnaissance vehicles will be armed with Spike Long-Range 2 anti-tank guided missiles, which will enable soldiers to engage with the enemy at a range of more than five kilometres.

Varley Rafael Australia is expected to deliver the first Spike missile early next year, under a contract worth $50 million, and is developing options for domestic manufacturing.

Range and mobility

The announcement of the $1.7 billion investment came on top of news that the acquisition of HIMARS (high-mobility artillery rocket system) launchers for the ADF will double to 42.

About $1.6 billion will be spent on expanding and accelerating the acquisition of the land-based, long-range, surface-to-surface HIMARS and associated munitions and support systems.

The project also includes the precision strike missile (PrSM), which is expected to have a maximum range beyond 500 kilometres.

Defence is developing plans to manufacture HIMARS-compatible missiles in Australia from 2025.

Defence Industry Minister Pat Conroy said the acquisition of the advanced weapons delivered on the recommendations of the Defence Strategic Review.

“We are also considering options to manufacture missiles domestically because of the importance of building sovereign Australian defence manufacturing capabilities,” Mr Conroy said.

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Australia to Upgrade Collins Submarines with Tomahawk Missiles

Australia is looking at outfitting its in-service collins-class submarines with tomahawk land attack cruise missiles as part of their forthcoming life of type extension (lote)..

Ben Felton 18 May 2022

Additional reporting by Xavier Vavasseur

During a briefing on the sidelines of INDO PACIFIC 2022, Rear Admiral Peter Quinn, head of Navy Capability said that the Royal Australian Navy is “doing the work” to see if equipping the Collins with Tomahawk is feasible.

“We’re doing the work to look at what it would take to put Tomahawk into those [Collins class] ships”  Rear Admiral Peter Quinn – Head of Navy Capability

As part of the LOTE program, starting in 2026, a single Collins class submarine will complete modernisation every two years. The LOTE upgrade, which is still in development, will see the ship’s power and propulsion systems overhauled, as well as their sensors upgraded.

Regarding the sensors, Naval News learned during the event that French company Safran Electronics and Defense was selected as “preferred bidder” to fit its non-penetrating Attack Optronic Mast for the Collins-class LOTE. The mast was already selected for the now cancelled Attack-class program. Safran told Naval News the company already successfully replaced legacy periscope with next generation masts as part of the Swedish Gotland-class submarine Mid Life Update program (with which the Collins-class shares the same DNA, both classes being designed by Kockums).

If Tomahawk is selected as part of LOTE, the necessary hardware and software modifications to accommodate the advanced weapons will be undertaken during that time. 

“During the program, ASC will replace the propulsion systems, diesel engines, generators, and the power conversion and distribution systems. There will be an optronics upgrade, a planned cooling system upgrade, and ASC will carry out a range of hull assessments. ASC will integrate the new equipment into the existing command and control system.”  ASC

Tube-launched Tomahawk

Because the Collins class lacks a Vertical Launch System (VLS) any integration of Tomahawk would require the procurement of torpedo tube-launched variants, such as those utilised by the Royal Navy (RN). 

Naval News understands that the tube-launched variant of Tomahawk is currently not in production. Raytheon would likely be OK in starting production again, should there be a significant demand (and funding) for the missile. The RN could consider a “group buy” with the RAN.

Contacted by Naval News for comments, submarine expert H I Sutton said:

“The Collins class is one of the largest non-nuclear submarines and has a relatively large weapons load. Carrying Tomahawks aboard is thus not as challenging as on smaller submarines. The adjustments to the weapons stowage and handling would be minor. The U.S. made combat system, which connects to the weapons launch, would need to be upgraded. But this is to be expected during the LOTE anyway. The Tomahawks will provide the RAN with a ‘first night’ strike capability which could be employed in both tactical and strategic scenarios.”

The Opposition Labor party has previously committed to looking at equipping the Collins-class submarines with Tomahawks in a bid to avoid a potential capability gap. This is, however, the first public confirmation that the Australian Department of Defence itself is looking at the possibility as part of the LOTE.  

Our video interview with ASC on the Collins-class LOTE during INDO PACIFIC 2022:

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Australia to acquire US Tomahawk cruise missiles as part of trilateral defence pact

WASHINGTON (AFP) - Australia on Thursday (Sept 16) announced that it would acquire long-range US Tomahawk cruise missiles, shortly after forging a new alliance with the US and Britain to strengthen military capabilities in the face of growing rivalry with China.

"We will be enhancing our long-range strike capability, including Tomahawk cruise missiles to be fielded on the Royal Australian Navy Hobart-class destroyers and joint air-to-surface stand-off missiles extended range for our Royal Australian Air Force capabilities," Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison told reporters in Canberra.

Australia is also set to acquire a new nuclear submarine fleet as part of the trilateral pact with the United States and Britain.

The planned acquisitions that came as part of a pact announced in a video meeting by Mr Morrison, his British counterpart Boris Johnson and US President Joe Biden are bound to raise hackles in Beijing.

The move was also met with swift pushback from France, which had been negotiating a multibillion-dollar sale of conventional submarines to Australia.

Mr Biden said the work to enable Australia to build nuclear-powered submarines would ensure that they had "the most modern capabilities we need to manoeuvre and defend against rapidly evolving threats".

The submarines, the leaders stressed, would not be nuclear-armed, and only powered with nuclear reactors.

The three leaders did not mention China in unveiling the partnership, dubbed Aukus using its acronym, but their intent was clear.

"Our world is becoming more complex, especially here in our region, the Indo-Pacific. This affects us all. The future of the Indo-Pacific will impact all our futures," Mr Morrison said.

Mr Johnson said they would work "hand in glove to preserve stability and security in the Indo-Pacific".

On a visit last week to South-east Asia, Vice-President Kamala Harris accused Beijing of "actions that... threaten the rules-based international order", particularly its aggressive claims in the South China Sea, where frequent territorial disputes have erupted between China and its neighbours in recent years.

Technical and naval representatives from the three countries will spend the next 18 months deciding how to carry out Australia's upgrade, which Mr Johnson said would be "one of the most complex and technically demanding projects in the world, lasting for decades".

In addition to the submarine fleet, a senior Biden administration official said Aukus would combine forces on "cyber, AI - particularly applied AI - quantum technologies and some undersea capabilities as well".

The Biden administration official underlined repeatedly how "unique" the decision is, with Britain being the only other country the US has ever helped to build a nuclear fleet.

"This technology is extremely sensitive," the official said. "We view this as a one-off."

With China building up its own navy and repeatedly testing decades of US military dominance across Asia, the creation of Aukus, with its focus on submarines, is "meant to send a message of reassurance and a determination to maintain a strong deterrent stance", the US official said.

Even if not carrying nuclear weapons, the new submarines will allow Australia to "play at a much higher level", the official said.

"Nuclear-powered submarines really maintain superior characteristics of stealth, speed, manoeuvrability, survivability and really substantial endurance," the official said.

"You will see much deeper interoperability along our navies and our nuclear infrastructure," the official said. "This is a fundamental decision; fundamental. It binds Australia... and the United States and Great Britain for generations."

The Aukus announcement comes as Australia has been boosting defence spending in response to China's more assertive posture.

Mr Morrison will join Mr Biden again on Sept 24, this time in person, at a first White House gathering of the Quad diplomatic group, which comprises Australia, India, Japan and the US.

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Australia to produce its own guided missiles as part of billion-dollar defence manufacturing plan

Australia will move to produce its own guided missiles under a $1 billion plan to establish a new weapons facility with a global arms manufacturer.

Key points:

• No location has been chosen yet for the new facility
• Scott Morrison says it will help make Australia more self-reliant in its defence capability
• It is part of the government's $270 billion spend on defence projects over the next 10 years

Prime Minister Scott Morrison will unveil the plan later today but is warning the "changing global environment" highlights the need to create the sovereign capability.

“As the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, having the ability for self-reliance, be it vaccine development or the defence of Australia, is vital to meeting our own requirements in a changing global environment," he said.

"It’s an imperative we now proceed with the creation of a sovereign guided weapons capability as a priority."

The Department of Defence will choose a "strategic industry partner" which will be contracted to operate the manufacturing facility.

Potential partners include Raytheon Australia, Lockheed Martin Australia, Konsberg and BAE Systems Australia.

No location has been identified yet for the facility.

Defence recently announced it was partnering with the United States to develop and test an air-launched hypersonic cruise missile that can exceed the speed of sound by up to eight times.

Defence Minister Peter Dutton said Australia would work closely with the US on the new domestic guided missile project.

He said the project would "support both Australia's needs and the growing needs of our most important military partner".

The government is spending $270 billion over the next 10 years on defence projects.

Defence Industry Minister Melissa Price said domestically produced guided missiles would add to existing weapons technology in Australia, including the Nulka decoy missile, and explosives factories at Benalla and Mulwala.

"According to defence industry estimates this new national enterprise could be worth $40 billion in local production and export over the next 20 years," she said.

"Utilising sophisticated manufacturing processes, industry also says this could create well over 2,000 jobs in different locations across the nation."

The Prime Minister will provide further details on the announcement on this morning.

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If Morrison's defence strategy sounds like war talk, that's because it is

Under threat from China, the Pentagon wants to build a new missile defence base in the Pacific

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A New Pacific Arsenal to Counter China

With missiles, submarines and alliances, the Biden administration has built a presence in the region to rein in Beijing’s expansionist goals.

By John Ismay ,  Edward Wong and Pablo Robles April 26, 2024

U.S. officials have long seen their country as a Pacific power, with troops and arsenals at a handful of bases in the region since just after World War II.

U.S. military or partner bases

But the Biden administration says that is no longer good enough to foil what it sees as the greatest threat to the democratic island of Taiwan — a Chinese invasion that could succeed within days.

The United States is sending the most advanced Tomahawk cruise missiles to Japan and has established a new kind of Marine Corps regiment on Okinawa that is designed to fight from small islands and destroy ships at sea.

The Pentagon has gained access to multiple airfields and naval bases in the Philippines , lessening the need for aircraft carriers that could be targeted by China’s long-range missiles and submarines in a time of war.

The Australian government hosts U.S. Marines in the north of the country, and one of three sites in the east will soon be the new home for advanced American-made attack submarines. The United States also has a new security agreement with Papua New Guinea.

Potential submarine bases

Xi Jinping, China’s leader, and other officials in Beijing have watched the U.S. moves with alarm. They call it an encirclement of their nation and say the United States is trying to constrain its main economic and military rival.

Since the start of his administration, President Biden has undertaken a strategy to expand American military access to bases in allied nations across the Asia-Pacific region and to deploy a range of new weapons systems there. He has also said the U.S. military would defend Taiwan against a Chinese invasion.

On Wednesday, Mr. Biden signed a $95 billion supplemental military aid and spending bill that Congress had just passed and that includes $8.1 billion to counter China in the region. And Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken traveled to Shanghai and Beijing this week for meetings with Mr. Xi and other officials in which he raised China’s military activity in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, calling it “destabilizing.”

Mr. Xi told Mr. Blinken on Friday that the United States should not play a “zero-sum game” or “create small blocs.” He said that “while each side can have its friends and partners, it should not target, oppose or harm the other,” according to an official Chinese summary of the meeting.

Earlier in April, the leaders of the Philippines and Japan met with Mr. Biden at the White House for the first such summit among the three countries. They announced enhanced defense cooperation, including naval training and exercises, planned jointly and with other partners. Last year, the Biden administration forged a new three-way defense pact with Japan and South Korea.

President Biden held a trilateral meeting earlier this month with the leaders of Japan and the Philippines at the White House.

Yuri Gripas for The New York Times

“In 2023, we drove the most transformative year for U.S. force posture in the Indo-Pacific region in a generation,” Ely S. Ratner, the assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs, said in a statement following an interview.

The main change, he said, is having American forces distributed in smaller, more mobile units across a wide arc of the region rather than being concentrated at large bases in northeast Asia. That is largely intended to counter China’s efforts to build up forces that can target aircraft carriers or U.S. military outposts on Okinawa or Guam.

These land forces, including a retrained and refitted U.S. Marine littoral regiment in Okinawa, will now have the ability to attack warships at sea.

For the first time, Japan’s military will receive up to 400 of their own Tomahawk cruise missiles — the newest versions of which can attack ships at sea as well as targets on land from over 1,150 miles away.

The Pentagon has also gained access rights for its troops at four additional bases in the Philippines that could eventually host U.S. warplanes and advanced mobile missile launchers, if Washington and Manila agree that offensive weaponry can be placed there.

The United States has bilateral mutual defense agreements with several allied nations in the region so that an attack on the assets of one nation could trigger a response from the other. Bolstering the U.S. troop presence on the soil of allied countries strengthens that notion of mutual defense.

In addition, the United States continues to send weapons and Green Beret trainers to Taiwan, a de facto independent island and the biggest flashpoint between the United States and China. Mr. Xi has said his nation must eventually take control of Taiwan, by force if necessary.

“We’ve deepened our alliances and partnerships abroad in ways that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago,” Kurt Campbell, the new deputy secretary of state, told reporters last year, when he was the top Asia policy official in the White House.

What Deters China?

Taiwan’s foreign minister, Joseph Wu, said in an interview in Taipei that the strengthened alliances and evolving military force postures were critical to deterring China.

“We are very happy to see that many countries in this region are coming to the realization that they also have to be prepared for further expansions of the P.R.C.,” he said, referring to the People’s Republic of China.

To some Chinese military strategists, the U.S. efforts are aimed at keeping China’s naval forces behind the “first island chain” — islands close to mainland Asia that run from Okinawa in Japan to Taiwan to the Philippines.

U.S. military assets along these islands could prevent Chinese warships from getting into the open Pacific waters farther east if conflict were to break out.

Leaders in China’s People’s Liberation Army also talk of establishing military dominance of the “second island chain” — which is farther out in the Pacific and includes Guam, Palau and West Papua.

First Island Chain

Second Island Chain

philippines

But several conservative critics of the administration’s policies argue that the United States should be keeping major arms for its own use and that it is not producing new ships and weapons systems quickly enough to deter China, which is rapidly growing its military .

Some American commanders acknowledge the United States needs to speed up ship production but say the Pentagon’s warfighting abilities in the region still outmatch China’s — and can improve quickly with the right political and budget commitments in Washington.

“We have actually grown our combat capability here in the Pacific over the last years,” Adm. Samuel J. Paparo Jr., the incoming commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, said in an interview. “But our trajectory is still not a trajectory that matches our adversary. Our adversaries are building more capability and they’re building more warships — per year — than we are.”

Mr. Paparo said new American warships were still more capable than the ones China is building, and the U.S. military’s “total weight of fires” continued to outmatch that of the People’s Liberation Army, for now.

Warplanes on the flight deck of U.S.S. Carl Vinson, an aircraft carrier, during a joint U.S. and Japanese military exercise in the Philippine Sea in January.

Richard A. Brooks/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty , a Cold War-era arms control agreement between Washington and Moscow, prohibited land-based cruise or ballistic missiles with ranges between 311 miles and 3,420 miles. But after the Trump administration withdrew from the pact, the United States was able to develop and field a large number of small, mobile launchers for previously banned missiles around Asia.

Even with the deployment of new systems, the United States would still rely on its legacy assets in the region in the event of war: its bases in Guam, Japan and South Korea, and the troops and arms there.

All of the senior U.S. officials interviewed for this story say war with China is neither desirable nor inevitable — a view expressed publicly by Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III. But they also insist that a military buildup and bolstering alliances, along with diplomatic talks with China, are important elements of deterring potential future aggression by Beijing.

Wang Yi, China’s foreign minister, told Mr. Blinken on Friday in Beijing that “the negative factors in the relationship are still increasing and building, and the relationship is facing all kinds of disruptions.” He warned the United States “not to interfere in China’s internal affairs, not to hold China’s development back, and not to step on China’s red lines and on China’s sovereignty, security and development interests.”

U.S. military or

partner bases

The new deterrent effort is twofold for American forces: increasing patrolling activities at sea and the capabilities of its troop levels ashore.

To the former, the Pentagon has announced that U.S. Navy warships will participate in more drills with their Japanese counterparts in the western Ryukyu Islands near Taiwan and with Filipino ships in the South China Sea, where the Chinese coast guard has harassed ships and installations controlled by the Philippines .

A swarm of Chinese militia and Coast Guard vessels chased a Philippine Coast Guard ship in the South China Sea last year.

Jes Aznar for The New York Times

To the latter, Marine Corps and Army units already in the Pacific have recently fielded medium- and long-range missiles mated to small, mobile trucks that would have been prohibited under the former treaty.

These trucks can be quickly lifted by Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft or larger cargo planes to new locations, or they can simply drive away to evade a Chinese counterattack. A new flotilla of U.S. Army watercraft being sent to the region could also be used to reposition troops and launchers from island to island.

In an interview last year with The New York Times, Gen. David H. Berger, then the Marine Corps’ top general, said the service had begun analyzing strategic choke points between islands where Chinese forces were likely to transit throughout the Pacific. He said the service had identified sites where Marine assault forces like the new Okinawa-based littoral regiment could launch attacks on Beijing’s warships using these new weapons.

Philippines

Partner bases

The Pentagon announced in February last year a new military base-sharing agreement with Manila, giving U.S. forces access to four sites in the Philippines for use in humanitarian missions, adding to the five sites previously opened to the Pentagon in 2014. Most of them are air bases with runways long enough to host heavy cargo planes.

Plotting their locations on a map shows the sites’ strategic value should the United States be called upon to defend their oldest treaty ally in the region , if the Philippines eventually agrees to allow the U.S. military to put combat troops and mobile missile systems there.

One, on the northern tip of Luzon Island, would give missile-launching trucks the ability to attack Chinese ships across the strait separating Philippines from Taiwan, while another site about 700 miles to the southwest would allow the U.S. to strike bases that China has built in the Spratly Islands nearby.

In 2023, the United States committed $100 million for “infrastructure investments” at the nine bases, with more funds expected this year.

The Pentagon has forged closer military ties with Australia and Papua New Guinea , extending America’s bulwark against potential attempts by the Chinese military at establishing dominance along the “second island chain.”

The Obama administration moved a number of littoral combat ships to Singapore and deployed a rotating force of Marines to Darwin, on Australia’s north coast, giving the Pentagon more assets that could respond as needed in the region.

Last year, the Biden administration greatly elevated its commitment to Australia, which is one of America’s most important non-NATO allies.

The U.S.S. North Carolina, a Virginia-class submarine, docking in Perth, Australia last year.

Tony Mcdonough/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

A new multibillion dollar agreement called AUKUS — for Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States — will permanently transfer some of the U.S. Navy’s newest Virginia-class attack subs to Canberra . The location of the new bases for those subs has not been announced, but the first group of Australian sailors who will crew them graduated from nuclear power training in America in January.

These stealthy submarines, which can fire torpedoes and Tomahawk missiles, will potentially add to the number of threats Beijing faces in case of a regional war.

Just north of Australia, an agreement in August gave U.S. forces more access to Papua New Guinea for humanitarian missions and committed American tax dollars to update military facilities there.

To Admiral Paparo, this growing network of partnerships and security agreements across thousands of miles of the Pacific is a direct result of what he calls China’s “revanchist, revisionist and expansionist agenda” in the region that has directly threatened its neighbors.

“I do believe that the U.S. and our allies and partners are playing a stronger hand and that we would prevail in any fight that arose in the Western Pacific,” the admiral said.

“It’s a hand that I would not trade with our would-be adversaries, and yet we’re also never satisfied with the strength of that hand and always looking to improve it.”

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French missile double punch adds new naval capability for Europe

PARIS — France’s synchronized test firing of naval cruise missiles from a surface ship and a submarine 400 kilometers apart adds a land-attack capability for European navies that may be more difficult for air defenses to counter, analysts told Defense News.

The French frigate Aquitaine and a Suffren-class nuclear-powered attack submarine, sailing near Quimper and Biscarosse, respectively, last week each fired a Missile de Croisière Naval or MdCN that simultaneously hit a target at a military testing site in south-west France, a first for the French Navy.

Coordinated cruise missile strikes could be used to saturate adversary defense systems, raising the chance of a successful hit on defended targets in a high-intensity context, the French Navy said in statement to Defense News. The synchronized double shot of the domestically developed MdCN relied on existing systems and software, the service said.

The French Navy’s coordinated launch from different platforms “is a notable development,” said Nick Childs, senior fellow for Naval Forces and Maritime Security at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London. “Being able to carry out strikes from different platforms in different locations at the same time complicates the air-defense challenge for the opponent.”

Whether it’s possible to actually saturate air defenses depends on how many missiles can be launched and the sophistication of the defense, Childs said. He said both France and the U.K. already had the ability to carry out complex strikes through the combination of air-launched missiles and weapons from naval platforms.

The synchronized cruise-missile firing is “something special,” as few navies in Europe perform land strikes, said Sebastian Bruns, senior researcher at the Institute for Security Policy Kiel University (ISPK). He said the exercise is “more of a capability demonstrator,” meant to validate the technology and telegraph the implications to would-be adversaries at the same time.

The political winds surrounding such military capabilities are changing, he added. “Land attack is entering the realm of the imaginable.”

The MdCN is France’s answer to the U.S.-made Tomahawk, and was developed by pan-European missile maker MBDA following a contract in 2006. The naval cruise missile entered service in 2017 and was used operationally by France for the first time in strikes against Syria in 2018.

“This development gives some operational advantage to the French Navy as a single service and more options for French planners,” Childs at the IISS said. “But it is probably not a game-changer in terms of capability.”

The French Navy said it regularly trains on multiple missile launches from different carriers, with trajectory coordination and synchronized missile arrival the most important training goals. Training on joint strikes is also planned with U.S. and U.K. partners, with regular exercises on coordinating trajectories and missile arrivals, according to the Navy.

Missile coordination is an active field of research, and a Google Scholar search for the term finds dozens of studies since 2023, including on neural networks for warhead coordination and ant-colony-based algorithms for missile-flight planning. Of the first 20 studies that show up, 16 are by authors affiliated with Chinese research institutes and companies.

While the U.S. can carry out this type of synchronized firing from different carriers, the U.K. only has this capability on its nuclear-powered attack submarines, according to the French Navy. The U.K.’s Trafalgar-class submarine Triumph fired Tomahawk missiles at Libyan air defenses during Operation Ellamy in 2011.

The U.K. Royal Navy aims to have similar options when its Type-26 frigates enter service with the ability to launch cruise missiles, Childs said. The Navy’s current Type-45 destroyers were originally intended to be fitted with land-attack cruise missiles, but that was never funded, he said.

The long-range capability provided by the MdCN “makes it possible to impose a military threat from the very outset of a crisis, thus influencing the will of competitors,” the French Armed Forces Ministry said in statement last week.

The French naval cruise missile is powered by Safran’s Microturbo TR 50 engine, and has a speed of around 1,000 kilometers per hour and a range of about 1,000 kilometers, according to official data . The 6.5-meter, 1.4-metric ton missile is launched using a first-stage booster that separates before wing deployment, and French submarines can launch the missile from their torpedo tubes in a protective shell that is discarded on breaking the surface.

Firing cruise missiles from a naval platform provides a permanent presence and “undeniable freedom of action” at sea, as there are no diplomatic overflight constraints, the Navy said. The use from a submarine also allows for actions that require greater discretion, it said.

The Netherlands has said it will equip its four current Zeven Provinciën-class frigates with Tomahawk missiles during maintenance in the 2025-2029 period, adding a land deep-strike capability the Dutch navy currently lacks. The Dutch also plan to fit the cruise missiles to their future air-defense frigates and submarines .

Sebastian Sprenger in Cologne, Germany, contributed to this report.

Rudy Ruitenberg is a Europe correspondent for Defense News. He started his career at Bloomberg News and has experience reporting on technology, commodity markets and politics.

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North Korea fires suspected short-range missiles into the sea in its latest weapons test

A TV screen shows a file image of North Korea’s missiles launch during a news program at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, Monday, April 22, 2024. North Korea fired multiple suspected short-range ballistic missiles toward its eastern waters on Monday, South Korea’s military said, the latest in a recent series of weapons launches by the North. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

A TV screen shows a file image of North Korea’s missile launch during a news program at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, Monday, April 22, 2024. North Korea fired multiple suspected short-range ballistic missiles toward its eastern waters on Monday, South Korea’s military said, the latest in a recent series of weapons launches by the North. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

FILE - In this photo provided by the North Korean government, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, left, supervises artillery firing drills in North Korea Thursday, March 7, 2024. Independent journalists were not given access to cover the event depicted in this image distributed by the North Korean government. The content of this image is as provided and cannot be independently verified. Korean language watermark on image as provided by source reads: “KCNA” which is the abbreviation for Korean Central News Agency. (Korean Central News Agency/Korea News Service via AP, File)

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SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — North Korea on Monday test-fired suspected short-range ballistic missiles into the sea, the country’s neighbors said, as speculation swirled that it could soon launch a banned satellite into orbit.

South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said the weapons launched from the North’s capital region flew about 300 kilometers (185 miles) before crashing in the waters between the Korean Peninsula and Japan. The ranges suggest the weapons could likely target sites in South Korea.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff strongly condemned the launches, saying they were a “clear provocation” that threatens peace on the Korean Peninsula. It said it will maintain readiness to “overwhelmingly” respond to North Korean provocations in step with its military alliance with the United States.

Japan’s Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi told reporters that North Korea launched at least one ballistic missile that flew 250 kilometers (155 miles) at a maximum altitude of about 50 kilometers (30 miles). He said that North Korea’s repeated missiles tests and other provocative actions threaten the peace and safety of Japan, the region and the international community.

Japan’s coast guard urged ships to use caution against falling objects, but there were no immediate reports of damage.

North Korea in recent months has maintained an accelerated pace in weapons testing as it continues to expand its military capabilities while diplomacy with the United States and South Korea remained stalled. Observers say North Korea likely believes an upgraded weapons arsenal would give it leverage to win greater concessions from the U.S. if negotiations resume.

North Korea said Saturday that it tested a “super-large” cruise missile warhead and a new anti-aircraft missile in a western coastal area earlier last week. In early April, North Korea also test-launched what it called a solid-fuel intermediate-range missile with hypersonic warhead capabilities, a weapon that experts say is meant to attack remote targets in the U.S. Pacific territory of Guam and beyond.

In past years, North Korea has test-fired nuclear-capable missiles designed to strike sites in South Korea, Japan and the mainland U.S. Many experts say North Korea already possesses nuclear missiles that can reach all of South Korea and Japan, but it has yet to develop functioning intercontinental ballistic missiles that can travel to the continental U.S.

In response to North Korea’s evolving nuclear threats, the United States and South Korea have been strengthening their bilateral military drills and trilateral exercises with Japan. On Monday, the chairman of South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff, Kim Myung-soo, met with U.S. Space Command Commander Stephen N. Waiting for discussions on countering North Korean threats, according to South Korea’s military.

Some experts say North Korea could launch its second spy satellite this month to mark a key anniversary such as the April 15 birthday of its founder Kim Il Sung, the late grandfather of leader Kim Jong Un, or the April 25 founding anniversary of a predecessor of the North’s military.

U.N. Security Council resolutions ban North Korea from launching both ballistic missiles and satellites. The world body considers a satellite launch a test of its prohibited ballistic missile technology.

South Korea’s military said Monday that it had detected evidence that North Korea is preparing for a spy satellite launch but there are no signs that it’s imminent.

Last November, North Korea placed what it called its first military spy satellite into orbit, though there are widespread doubts about its capability. In late December, Kim Jong Un said North Korea would launch three additional military spy satellites in 2024.

Associated Press writer Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo contributed to this report.