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Great Trek 1835-1846

The Great Trek was a movement of Dutch-speaking colonists up into the interior of southern Africa in search of land where they could establish their own homeland, independent of British rule. The determination and courage of these pioneers has become the single most important element in the folk memory of Afrikaner Nationalism. However, far from being the peaceful and God-fearing process which many would like to believe it was, the Great Trek caused a tremendous upheaval in the interior for at least half a century.

The Voortrekkers

The Great Trek was a landmark in an era of expansionism and bloodshed, of land seizure and labour coercion. Taking the form of a mass migration into the interior of southern Africa, this was a search by dissatisfied Dutch-speaking colonists for a promised land where they would be 'free and independent people' in a 'free and independent state'.

The men, women and children who set out from the eastern frontier towns of Grahamstown, Uitenhage and Graaff-Reinet represented only a fraction of the Dutch-speaking inhabitants of the colony, and yet their determination and courage has become the single most important element in the folk memory of Afrikaner nationalism. However, far from being the peaceful and God-fearing process which many would like to believe it was, the Great Trek caused a tremendous social upheaval in the interior of southern Africa, rupturing the lives of hundreds of thousands of indigenous people. But this time the reports that reached the chiefs of the Sotho clans on the northern bank were more alarming: the white men were coming in their hundreds.

Threatened by the 'liberalism' of the new colonial administration, insecure about conflict on the eastern frontier and 'squeezed out' by their own burgeoning population, the Voortrekkers hoped to restore economic, cultural and political unity independent of British power. The only way they saw open to them was to leave the colony. In the decade following 1835, thousands migrated into the interior, organised in a number of trek parties under various leaders. Many of the Voortrekkers were trekboers (semi-nomadic pastoral farmers) and their mode of life made it relatively easy for them to pack their worldly possessions in ox-wagons and leave the colony forever.

After crossing the Orange River the trekkers were still not totally out of reach of the Cape judiciary - in terms of the Cape of Good Hope Punishment Act (1836), they were liable for all crimes committed south of 25 deg latitude (which falls just below the present-day Warmbaths in northern Transvaal).

The trekkers had a strong Calvinist faith. But when the time came for them to leave they found that no Dutch Reformed Church minister from the Cape was prepared to accompany the expedition, for the church synod opposed the emigration, saying it would lead to 'godlessness and a decline of civilisation'. So the trekkers were forced to rely on the ministrations of the American Daniel Lindley, the Wesleyan missionary James Archbell, and a non-ordained minister, Erasmus Smit.

The trekkers, dressed in traditional dopper coats (short coats buttoned from top to bottom), kappies (bonnets) and hand-made riempieskoene (leather thong shoes), set out in wagons which they called kakebeenwoens (literally, jawbone wagons, because the shape and sides of a typical trek wagon resembled the jawbone of an animal).

These wagons could carry a startling weight of household goods, clothes, bedding, furniture, agricultural implements, fruit trees and weapons. They were ingeniously designed and surprisingly light, so as not to strain the oxen, and to make it easier to negotiate the veld, narrow ravines and steep precipices which lay ahead. Travelling down the 3500 metre slope of the Drakensberg, no brake shoe or changing of wheels could have saved a wagon from hurtling down the mountain were it not for a simple and creative solution: the hindwheels of wagons were removed and heavy branches were tied securely underneath. So the axles were protected, and a new form of brake was invented.

The interior represented for the trekkers a foreboding enigma. The barren Kalahari Desert to the west of the highveld, and the tsetse fly belt which stretched from the Limpopo River south-eastwards, could not have been a very inviting prospect. Little did they realise that neither man nor animal would escape the fatal malarial mosquito. Yet the Voortrekkers ploughed on through treacherous terrain, eliminating all obstacles in their path, and intent on gaining access to ports beyond the sphere of British control, such as Delagoa Bay, Inhambane and Sofala. In order for their new settlement to be viable, it was crucial that they make independent links with the economies of Europe.

Trek and the 'empty lands'

The Empty Land Myth The Empty or Vacant Land Theory is a theory was propagated by European settlers in nineteenth century South Africa to support their claims to land. Today this theory is described as a myth, the Empty Land Myth, because there is no historical or archaeological evidence to support this theory. Despite evidence to the contrary a number of parties in South Africa, particularly right-wing nationalists of European descent, maintain that the theory still holds true in order to support their claims to land-ownership in the country.  Read article

Reconnaissance expeditions in 1834 and 1835 reported that Natal south of the Thukela and the central highveld on either side of the Vaal River, were fertile and largely uninhabited, much of the interior having been unsettled by the ravages of the Mfecane (or Difaqane as it is called in Sotho). The truth of these reports - many of them from missionaries - has long been a source of argument among historians, and recent research indicates that the so-called 'depopulation theory' is unreliable - the devastation and carnage by African warriors is exaggerated with every account, the number of Mfecane casualties ranging between half a million and 5-million.

This kind of historical inaccuracy strengthens the trekkers' claim that the land which they occupied was 'uninhabited and belonged to no-one', that the survivors of the Mfecane were conveniently spread out in a horseshoe shape around empty land. Probably in an attempt to justify their land seizure, the trekkers also claimed to have actually saved the smaller clans in the interior from annihilation, and defeated the 'barbarous' Ndebele and Zulu warriors.

Africans did indeed move temporarily into other areas, but were soon to reoccupy their land, only to find themselves ousted by Boer intruders. For example, in Natal the African population, estimated at 11000 in 1838, was increased by 'several thousand refugees' after Dingane's defeat at the hands of his half-brother Mpande two years later. In 1843, when the Republic of Natalia was annexed by the British, the official African population was put at 'between 80 000 and 10 0000 people'. But even this may have been an underestimation.

Trekker communities and technology

Military prowess was of paramount importance to the trekker expedition. It had to be, for they were invading and conquering lands to which African societies themselves lay claim. Bound by a common purpose, the trekkers were a people's army in the true sense of the word, with the whole family being drawn into military defence and attack. For instance, the loading of the sanna (the name they gave to the muzzle-loading rifles they used) was a complicated procedure and so the Boers used more than one gun at a time - while aiming and firing at the enemy with one, their wives and children would be loading another.

Armed with rifles on their backs and a kruithoring (powder horn) and bandolier (a bullet container made of hartebeest, kudu or ox-hide) strapped to their belts, formidable groups of trekkers would ride into battle. Bullets were often sawn nearly through to make them split and fly in different directions, and buckshot was prepared by casting lead into reeds and then chopping it up. Part of every man's gear was his knife, with a blade about 20 centimetres in length. When approaching the battlefield, the wagons would be drawn into a circle and the openings between the wheels filled with branches to fire through and hide behind. When they eventually settled down, the structure of many of the houses they built - square, with thick walls and tiny windows - resembled small fortresses.

The distinction between hunting and raiding parties was often blurred in trekker society. Killing and looting were their business, land and labour their spoils. When the trekkers arrived in the Transvaal they experienced an acute labour shortage. They did not work their own fields themselves and instead used Pedi who sold their labour mainly to buy arms and ammunition.

During commando onslaughts, particularly in the eastern Transvaal, thousands of young children were captured to become inboekselings ('indentured people'). These children were indentured to their masters until adulthood (the age of 21 in the case of women and 25 in the case of men), but many remained bound to their masters for much longer. This system was akin to child slavery, and a more vicious application of the apprenticeship laws promulgated at the Cape in 1775 and 1812.

Child slavery was even more prevalent in the northern Soutpansberg area of the Transvaal. It has been suggested that when these northern Boers could no longer secure white ivory for trade at Delagoa Bay, 'black ivory' (a euphemism widely used for African children) began to replace it as a lucrative item of trade. Children were more amenable to new ways of life, and it was hoped that the inboekselings would assimilate Boer cultural patterns and create a 'buffer class' against increasing African resistance.

Dispossession and land seizure

The trekkers' first major confrontation was with Mzilikazi, founder and king of the Ndebele. After leaving the Cape, the trekkers made their first base near Thaba Nchu, the great place of Moroka, the Rolong chief. In 1836 the Ndebele were in the path of a trekker expedition heading northwards and led by Andries Hendrik Potgieter. The Ndebele were attacked by a Boer commando led by Potgieter, but Mzilikazi retaliated and the Boers retreated to their main laager at Vegkop. There in October, in a short and fierce battle which lasted half an hour, 40 trekkers succeeded in beating off an attack by 6000 Ndebele warriors. Both sides suffered heavy losses - 430 Ndebele were killed, and the trekkers lost thousands of sheep and cattle as well as their trek oxen. But a few days later, Moroka and the missionary Archbell rescued them with food and oxen.

Gert Maritz and his party joined these trekkers in Transorangia (later the Orange Free State) and in January 1837, with the help of a small force of Griqua, Kora, Rolong and Tlokwa, they captured Mzilikazi 's stronghold at Mosega and drove the Ndebele further north. The trekkers then concluded treaties of friendship with Moroka and Sekonyela (chief of the Tlokwa).

When Piet Retief and his followers split away and moved eastwards to Natal, both Potgieter and Piet Uys remained determined to break the Ndebele. At the end of 1837, 135 trekkers besieged Mzilikazi 's forces in the Marico valley, and Mzilikazi fled across the Limpopo River to present-day Zimbabwe. He died there, to be succeeded by Lobengula, who led a rather precarious life in the area until he was eventually defeated by the forces of the British South Africa Company in the 1890s.

Meanwhile, Retief and his followers continued marching towards Port Natal (later Durban). After Retief's fateful encounter with Dingane, chief of the Zulu, and the ensuing Battle of Blood River, the trekkers declared the short-lived Republic of Natalia (1838). They formed a simple system of goveming, with Pretorius as President, assisted by a volksraad (people's assembly) of 24 members, and local government officials based on the traditional landdrost and heemraden system. In 1841, an adjunct council was established at Potchefstroom, with Potgieter as Chief-Commandant. The trekkers believed that at last they had found a place in the sun....

But the British would not recognise their independence. In December 1838, the Governor, Sir George Napier, a determined military man who had not allowed the loss of his right arm in battle to ruin his career, sent his military secretary, Major Samuel Charters, to occupy Port Natal, which effectively controlled Voortrekker use of the harbour. Three years later, when the Natal Volksraad resolved to drive all Africans not working for the whites southwards beyond the Mtamvuna River (later the border between Natal and the Transkei), Napier again intervened. He was concerned that this would threaten the eastern frontier of the Cape, and so instructed Captain Thomas Charlton Smith to march to Port Natal with 250 men. Smith, who had joined the Royal Navy at the age of nine and was a veteran of the Battle of Waterloo, tried to negotiate with Pretorius, but to no avail.

On the moonlit night of 23 May 1842, Smith attacked the Boer camp at Congella but Pretorius, who had been alerted, fought back. The trekkers proceeded to besiege the British camp. One of their number, Dick King. who became known as the 'saviour of Natal', evaded the siege and rode some 1000 kilometres on horseback to seek reinforcements in Grahamstown. In June a British relief force under Lieutenant-Colonel Abraham Cloete arrived on the scene and Boer resistance was crushed. On 15 July the volksraad at Pietermaritzburg signed the conditions of submission.

Although most trekkers had travelled into Natal or into the far north with the main expeditions, some had remained on the fertile land above the junction of the Caledon and Orange rivers, and gradually began to move north-eastward.

The trekkers' pioneer in this area was Jan de Winnaar, who settled in the Matlakeng area in May-June 1838. As more farmers were moving into the area they tried to colonise the land between the two rivers, even north of the Caledon, claiming that it had been abandoned by the Sotho people. But although some of the independent communities who had lived there had been scattered, others remained in the kloofs and on the hillsides. Moshoeshoe, paramount chief of the Sotho, when hearing of the trekker settlement above the junction, stated that '... the ground on which they were belonged to me, but I had no objections to their flocks grazing there until such time as they were able to proceed further; on condition, however, that they remained in peace with my people and recognised my authority'.

The trekkers proceeded to build huts of clay (instead of reed), and began planting their own food crops (no longer trading with the Sotho). This indicated their resolve to settle down permanently. A French missionary, Eugene Casalis, later remarked that the trekkers had humbly asked for temporary rights while they were still few in number, but that when they felt 'strong enough to throw off the mask' they went back on their initial intention.

In October 1842 Jan Mocke, a fiery republican, and his followers erected a beacon at Alleman's drift on the banks of the Orange River and proclaimed a republic. Officials were appointed to preside over the whole area between the Caledon and Vaal rivers. Riding back from the drift, they informed Chief Lephoi, an independent chief at Bethulie, that the land was now Boer property and that he and his people were subject to Boer laws. They further decided that the crops which had been sown for the season would be reaped by the Boers, and they even uprooted one of the peach trees in the garden of a mission station as indication of their ownership. In the north-east, they began to drive Moshoeshoe's people away from the springs, their only source of water. Moshoeshoe appealed for protection to the Queen of England, but he soon discovered that he would have to organise his own resistance.

Land seizure and dispossession were also prevalent in the eastern Transvaal where Potgieter had founded the towns of Andries-Ohrigstad in 1845 and Soutpansberg (which was later renamed Schoemansdal) in 1848. A power struggle erupted between Potgieter and Pretorius, who had arrived with a new trekker party from Natal and seemed to have a better understanding of the political dynamics of southern Africa. Potgieter, still anxious to legitimise his settlement, concluded a vredenstraktaat (peace treaty) in 1845 with Sekwati, chief of the Pedi, who he claimed had ceded all rights to an undefined stretch of land. The precise terms of the treaty are unknown, but it seems certain that Sekwati never actually sold land to the Boers.

Often in order to ensure their own safety, chiefs would sign arbitrary treaties giving away sections of land to which they in fact had no right. Such was the case with Mswati, chief of the Swazi, who, intent on seeking support against the Zulu, in July 1846 granted all the land bounded by the Oliphants, Crocodile and Elands rivers to the Boers. This angered the Pedi, who pointed out that the land had not even been his to hand over.

There was no uniform legal system or concept of ownership to which all parties interested in the land subscribed. Private land ownership did not exist in these African societies, and for the most part the land which chiefs ceded to the Boers was communally owned. Any document 'signed' by the chiefs, and its implications, could not have been fully understood by them. Misunderstandings worked in the favour of the Boers.

Large tracts of land were purchased for next to nothing. For example, the northern half of Transorangia went to Andries Potgieter in early 1836 for a few cattle and a promise to protect the Taung chief, Makwana, from the Ndebele. The area between the Vet and Vaal rivers extended about 60 000 square kilometres. This means that Potgieter got 2000 square kilometres per head of livestock! Also the 'right of conquest' was extended over areas much larger than those that chiefs actually had authority over. After Mzilikazi 's flight north in November 1837, the trekkers immediately took over all the land between the Vet and Limpopo rivers - although Mzilikazi's area of control covered only the western Transvaal.

But it was only after the Sand River Convention (1852) and the Bloemfontein Convention (1854) that independent Boer republics were formally established north of the Vaal and Orange rivers respectively.

Reader’s Digest. (1988). Illustrated History of South Africa: the real story, New York: Reader’s Digest Association. p. 114-120.

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What was the Great Trek?

The Great Trek was a perilous exodus of pioneers into the heart of South Africa, looking for a place to call home.

When the British took control of Cape Town and the Cape Colony in the early 1800s, tensions grew between the new colonizers of British stock, and the old colonizers, the Boers, descendants of the original Dutch settlers. From 1835, the Boers would lead numerous expeditions out of the Cape Colony, traversing towards the interior of South Africa. Escaping British rule would come with a host of deadly challenges, and the Boers, seeking their own lands, would find themselves in direct conflict with the people who resided in the interior, most notably the Ndebele and the Zulu.

The “Great Trek” is a story of resentment, displacement, murder, war, and hope, and it forms one of the bloodiest chapters of South Africa’s notoriously violent history.

Origins of the Great Trek

The Cape was first colonized by the Dutch , when they landed there in 1652, and Cape Town quickly grew into a vital refueling station between Europe and the East Indies. The colony prospered and grew, with Dutch settlers taking up both urban and rural posts. In 1795, Britain invaded and took control of the Cape Colony, as it was Dutch possession, and Holland was under the control of the French Revolutionary government . After the war, the colony was handed back to Holland (the Batavian Republic) which in 1806, fell under French rule again. The British responded by annexing the Cape completely.

Under British rule, the colony underwent major administrative changes. The language of administration became English, and liberal changes were made which designated non-white servants as citizens. Britain, at the time, was adamantly anti-slavery, and was enacting laws to end it.

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Tensions grew between the British and the Boers (farmers). In 1815, a Boer was arrested for assaulting one of his servants. Many other Boers rose up in rebellion in solidarity, culminating in five being hanged for insurrection. In 1834, legislation passed that all slaves were to be freed. The vast majority of Boer farmers owned slaves, and although they were offered compensation, travel to Britain was required to receive it which was impossible for many. Eventually, the Boers had had enough of British rule and decided to leave the Cape Colony in search of self-governance and new lands to farm. The Great Trek was about to begin.

The Trek Begins

Not all Afrikaners endorsed the Great Trek. In fact, only a fifth of the Cape’s Dutch-speaking people decided to take part. Most of the urbanized Dutch were actually content with British rule. Nevertheless, many Boers decided to leave. Thousands of Boers loaded up their wagons and proceeded to venture into the interior and towards peril.

The first wave of voortrekkers (pioneers) met with disaster. After setting out in September 1835, they crossed the Vaal River in January, 1836, and decided to split up, following differences between their leaders. Hans van Rensburg led a party of 49 settlers who trekked north into what is now Mozambique. His party was slain by an impi (force of warriors) of Soshangane. For van Rensburg and his party, the Great Trek was over. Only two children survived who were saved by a Zulu warrior. The other party of settlers, led by Louis Tregardt, settled near Delagoa Bay in southern Mozambique, where most of them perished from fever.

A third group led by Hendrik Potgieter, consisting of about 200 people, also ran into serious trouble. In August 1836, a Matabele patrol attacked Potgieter’s group, killing six men, two women, and six children. King Mzilikazi of the Matabele in what is now Zimbabwe decided to attack the Voortrekkers again, this time sending out an impi of 5,000 men. Local bushmen warned the Voortrekkers of the impi , and Potgieter had two days to prepare. He decided to prepare for battle, although doing so would leave all the Voortrekker’s cattle vulnerable.

The Voortrekkers arranged the wagons into a laager (defensive circle) and placed thorn branches underneath the wagons and in the gaps. Another defensive square of four wagons was placed inside the laager and covered with animal skins. Here, the women and children would be safe from spears thrown into the camp. The defenders numbered just 33 men and seven boys, each armed with two muzzle-loader rifles. They were outnumbered 150 to one.

As the battle commenced, the Voortrekkers rode out on horseback to harry the impi . This proved largely ineffective, and they withdrew to the laager. The attack on the laager only lasted for about half an hour, in which time, two Voortrekkers lost their lives, and about 400 Matabele warriors were killed or wounded. The Matabele were far more interested in taking the cattle and eventually made off with 50,000 sheep and goats and 5,000 cattle. Despite surviving through the day, the Battle of Vegkop was not a happy victory for the Voortrekkers. Three months later, with the help of the Tswana people, a Voortrekker-led raid managed to take back 6,500 cattle, which included some of the cattle plundered at Vegkop.

The following months saw revenge attacks led by the Voortrekkers. About 15 Matabele settlements were destroyed, and 1,000 warriors lost their lives. The Matabele abandoned the region. The Great Trek would continue with several other parties pioneering the way into the South African hinterland.

The Battle of Blood River

In February 1838, the Voortrekkers led by Piet Retief met with absolute disaster. Retief and his delegation were invited to the Zulu King Dingane ’s kraal (village) to negotiate a land treaty; however, Dingane betrayed the Voortrekkers. He had them all taken out to a hill outside the village and clubbed to death. Piet Retief was killed last so that he could watch his delegation being killed. In total, about 100 were murdered, and their bodies were left for the vultures and other scavengers.

Following this betrayal, King Dingane directed further attacks on unsuspecting Voortrekker settlements. This included the Weenen Massacre, in which 534 men, women, and children were slaughtered. This number includes KhoiKhoi and Basuto tribe members who accompanied them. Against a hostile Zulu nation, the Great Trek was doomed to fail.

The Voortrekkers decided to lead a punitive expedition, and under the guidance of Andries Pretorius, 464 men, along with 200 servants and two small cannons, prepared to engage the Zulu. After several weeks of trekking, Pretorius set up his laager along the Ncome River, purposefully avoiding geographic traps that would have led to a disaster in battle. His site offered protection on two sides by the Ncome River to the rear and a deep ditch on the left flank. The approach was treeless and offered no protection from any advancing attackers. On the morning of December 16, the Voortrekkers were greeted by the sight of six regiments of Zulu impis , numbering approximately 20,000 men.

For two hours, the Zulus attacked the laager in four waves, and each time they were repulsed with great casualties. The Voortrekkers used grapeshot in their muskets and their two cannons in order to maximize damage to the Zulus. After two hours, Pretorius ordered his men to ride out and attempt to break up the Zulu formations. The Zulus held for a while, but high casualties eventually forced them to scatter. With their army breaking, the Voortrekkers chased down and killed the fleeing Zulus for three hours. By the end of the battle, 3,000 Zulu lay dead (although historians dispute this number). By contrast, the Voortrekkers suffered only three injuries, including Andries Pretorius taking an assegai (Zulu spear) to the hand.

December 16 has been observed as a public holiday in the Boer Republics and South Africa ever since. It was known as The Day of the Covenant, The Day of the Vow, or Dingane’s Day. In 1995, after the fall of apartheid , the day was rebranded as “Day of Reconciliation.” Today the site on the west side of the Ncome River is home to the Blood River Monument and Museum Complex, while on the east side of the river stands the Ncome River Monument and Museum Complex dedicated to the Zulu people. The former has gone through many variations, with the latest version of the monument being 64 wagons cast in bronze. When it was unveiled in 1998, The then Minister of Home Affairs and Zulu tribal leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi , apologized on behalf of the Zulu people for the murder of Piet Retief and his party during the Great Trek, while he also stressed the suffering of Zulus during apartheid.

The Zulu defeat added to further divisions in the Zulu Kingdom, which was plunged into a civil war between Dingane and his brother Mpande. Mpande, supported by the Voortrekkers, won the civil war in January 1840. This led to a significant decrease in threats to the Voortrekkers. Andries Pretorius and his Voortrekkers were able to recover Piet Retief’s body, along with his retinue, and give them burials. On Retief’s body was found the original treaty offering the trekkers land, and Pretorius was able to successfully negotiate with the Zulu over the establishment of a territory for the Voortrekkers. The Republic of Natalia was established in 1839, south of the Zulu Kingdom. However, the new republic was short-lived and was annexed by the British in 1843.

Nevertheless, the Great Trek could continue, and thus the waves of Voortrekkers continued. In the 1850s, two substantial Boer republics were established: The Republic of the Transvaal and the Republic of the Orange Free State . These republics would later come into conflict with the expanding British Empire.

The Great Trek as a Cultural Symbol

In the 1940s, Afrikaner nationalists used the Great Trek as a symbol to unite the Afrikaans people and promote cultural unity among them. This move was primarily responsible for the National Party winning the 1948 election and, later on, imposing apartheid on the country.

South Africa is a highly diverse country, and while the Great Trek remains a symbol of Afrikaner culture and history, it is also seen as an important part of South African history with lessons to learn from for all South Africans.

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By Greg Beyer Assistant Editor; African History Greg is an editor specializing in African History and prolific author of over 100 articles, with a BA in History & Linguistics and a Journalism Diploma from the University of Cape Town. A former English teacher, he now excels in academic writing and pursues his passion for art through drawing and painting in his free time.

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Related links, tydskrif vir geesteswetenskappe, on-line version  issn 2224-7912 print version  issn 0041-4751, tydskr. geesteswet. vol.49 n.4 pretoria  2009.

Was die Groot Trek werklik groot? 'n Historiografiese ondersoek na die gevolge en betekenis van die Groot Trek

Was the Great Trek really great? A historiographical inquiry into the consequences and significance of the Great Trek

Pieter de Klerk

Vakgroep Geskiedenis, Noordwes-Universiteit (Vaaldriehoekkampus), E-pos: [email protected]

Sedert die laat negentiende eeu het historici die gevolge en betekenis van die Groot Trek bespreek. Daar kan verskillende hooftendense in die interpretasies onderskei word. Daar is eerstens die vroeë beskouing dat die Trek die beskawing in suidelike Afrika uitgedra het. Tweedens is daar die siening van Afrikaanse historici dat die Groot Trek die totstandkoming van die Afrikanervolk moontlik gemaak het. Derdens het lede van die liberale skool van historici die Trek beskou as 'n ontvlugting van progressiewe Britse beleidsmaatreëls in die Kaapkolonie; dit was 'n ramp vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika. Vierdens is daar die siening van die radikale skool dat die Groot Trek 'n fase was in die uitbreiding van kapitalisme en kolonialisme in Suid-Afrika. Vyfdens is daar die resente opvatting dat die Groot Trek net een van verskeie migrasies in Suid-Afrika was en nie uitgesonder kan word as van besondere betekenis nie. Sesdens beskou latere Afrikaanse geskiedskrywers die Trek as 'n gebeurtenis met uiteenlopende gevolge. Dit blyk dat historici steeds beïnvloed is deur tydsomstandighede in hul beklemtoning van bepaalde gevolge van die Trek. Sommige van hul stellings oor die langtermyngevolge van die Trek is spekulatief en kan moeilik gestubstansieer word. Gesien binne die perspektief van die huidige tydsgewrig was die Groot Trek primer deel van 'n omvattende proses van verwestering en modernisasie in suidelike Afrika. Alhoewel dit nie as dié sentrale gebeurtenis in die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika gesien kan word, soos vroeër dikwels beweer is nie, is dit tog een van 'n klein aantal sleutelgebeurtenisse in die geskiedenis van die land.

Trefwoorde: Groot Trek, Voortrekkers, Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, historiografie, Afrikanernasionalisme, Afrikanasionalisme, liberale historici, radikale historici, kolonisasie, kapitalisme, rassebeleid.

Since the late nineteenth century historians have discussed the consequences and significance of the Great Trek. G M Theal, who wrote an authoritative multi-volume history of South Africa, described the Trek as a unique event in the history of modern colonisation. He, together with scholars such as G E Cory and M Nathan, saw the importance of the Great Trek especially in terms of the expansion of Western civilisation and Christianity into the eastern parts of South Africa. During the period between approximately 1900 and 1980 many Afrikaans- speaking historians were strongly influenced by Afrikaner nationalism. They linked the Great Trek to the birth of the Afrikaner nation. Some historians, such as G S Preller and C Beyers, saw the Voortrekkers as people who were already conscious of their identity as a nation and wanted to become free of British dominance. Later historians, such as G D Scholtz, C F J Muller and F A van Jaarsveld, believed that Afrikaner nationalism only developed after the Great Trek, but that the Trek prevented the anglicization of the Boers in the Cape Colony and therefore made possible the development of an Afrikaner nation. W M Macmillan, E A Walker and C W de Kiewiet, three prominent members of the liberal school of historians, also regarded the Great Trek as a very important event in the development of South Africa, but thought that it had mainly negative consequences. In their opinion, the Voortrekkers had escaped from the economic and political changes in the Cape Colony with the aim of preserving an antiquated way of life. In the Boer republics, and later in the Union of South Africa, the racial policies of the Dutch colonial period were continued, instead of the liberal racial policies practised in the Cape Colony under British rule. Some contemporary historians still accept major elements of the early liberal interpretations. Authors with a Marxist viewpoint, such as D Taylor and W M Tsotsi, also regarded the Voortrekkers as representatives of a pre-capitalist economic system, but at the same time saw them as the vanguard of the imperialist advance in Africa; the Voortrekkers were conquerers and the oppressors of the indigenous population. P Delius, T Keegan and others, however, viewed the Voortrekkers as being part of the expanding capitalist system in Southern Africa. Since the 1960s a number of historians argued that the Great Trek should not be seen as a central event in the development of South Africa. A R Willcox and N Parsons emphasized the similarities between the Great Trek and the Mfecane. N Etherington, who is critical of traditional views of the Mfecane as a dispersal of peoples in Southern Africa caused by the rise of the Zulu kingdom under Shaka, viewed the Great Trek as one of a number of "treks" by various groups during the period 1815-1854. According to him the Great Trek was not larger or more significant than the other migrations and therefore does not deserve to be called "great". During the last four decades several Afrikaans historians pointed out that the Great Trek had a number of diverse consequences. From the perspective of the history of the Afrikaners there were various negative consequences. As a result of the Trek, the Afrikaners remained politically divided for many years. Furthermore, the Trek resulted in the cultural and economic isolation of the Boers. The Great Trek increased the conflicts between the Boers and indigenous tribes, but, on the other hand, stimulated trade between black and white groups. It would appear that in their various interpretations of the consequences of the Great Trek historians were influenced by the circumstances of their own time. Consequences which during a certain period seemed very important are now no longer regarded as particularly significant. De Kiewiet, for instance, pointed out in 1941 that the Great Trek connected the future development of the whole of South Africa with the Afrikaners, but today the Afrikaners are no longer the politically dominant group. Interpretations of the signifance of the Great Trek have also been strongly influenced by philosophical and ideological views. Afrikaner nationalists, African nationalists, Marxists and liberal historians have emphasized different consequences. While the view of the liberal school that the Great Trek caused the continuation of non-liberal racial policies had been influential for a long time, it was challenged by later scholars who regarded racism and apartheid as products of capitalism and colonialism. Some statements on the long term consequences of the Great Trek are speculative and cannot be proved or disproved. Among these are the proposition of several Afrikaner historians that the descendants of the Voortrekkers would have been completely anglicized if they had remained in the Cape Colony; and the statement by De Kiewiet that the Great Trek had prevented the development of separate white and black states in Southern Africa. The Great Trek was an important phase in the Western colonisation of South Africa. Early historians such as Theal saw the colonisation process as a positive development. For African nationalist writers, however, colonisation meant primarily the oppression of the indigenous peoples. Political decolonisation did not bring an end to the process of westernisation and modernisation in Africa, and the dominant political and economic system in South Africa today is mainly of Western origin. The Great Trek was a key event in the history of South Africa, comparable with events such as the British conquest of the Cape Colony in 1806 and the transfer of political power to the black majority in 1994.

Key concepts: Great Trek, Voortrekkers, South African history, historiography, Afrikaner nationalism, African nationalism, liberal historians, radical historians, colonisation, capitalism, racial policy

Full text available only in PDF format.

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1  Vergelyk Etherington (2008:323-324, 332). 2  Vergelyk Saunders (1988:9); Smith (1988:31). 3  Vergelyk Theal (1887:357); Van Jaarsveld (1963:52). 4  Vergelyk Muller (1963:54-55); Van Jaarsveld (1974:55); Smith (1988:47-48). 5  Vergelyk Muller (1963:53-54); Thompson (1985:180); Van Jaarsveld (1992: 28). 6 Majeke, Introduction, ongenommerd; vgl. Van Jaarsveld (1974:101); Muller (1974:37); Saunders (1988:137). 7 Vergelyk Van Jaarsveld (1984:58-65); Saunders (1988:154-161); Smith (1988:139-144). 8 Vergelyk die kritiek van Saunders (2002:300-307). 9 Vergelyk ook Muller (1974:20-21; Visagie (2005:2).

Pieter de Klerk is professor in Geskiedenis aan die Vaaldriehoekkampus van die Noordwes-Universiteit. Hy het aan die Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir CHO (tans bekend as die Noordwes-Universiteit) en aan die Vrije Universiteit van Amsterdam gestudeer, voordat hy in 1971 die graad D.Litt. in Geskiedenis aan eersgenoemde inrigting verwerf het. Hy is in 1968 as junior lektor in Geskiedenis op die Potchefstroomkampus van die PU vir CHO aangestel en is sedert 1983 aan die Vaaldriehoekkampus verbonde. Hy is die outeur van 'n aantal boeke en artikels op, hoofsaaklik, die volgende terreine: die teorie en filosofie van geskiedenis, historiografie en vergelykende geskiedenis. Hy het verskeie voordragte op internasionale en binnelandse vakkonferensies gelewer en was redaksielid van enkele akademiese tydskrifte.

Pieter de Klerk is professor of History at the Vaal Triangle Campus of North-West University. He studied at the Potchefstroom University for CHE (presently called Northwest-University) and at the Free University of Amsterdam, before he obtained the degree D.Litt. in History in 1971 at Potchefstroom University. In 1968 he was appointed as junior lecturer in History at the Potchefstroom Campus of the PU for CHE, and since 1983 he has been a staff-member at the Vaal Triangle Campus. He is the author of a number of books and articles focusing largely on the following fields of expertise: the theory and philosophy of history, historiography and comparative history. He has presented several papers at international and national academic conferences and has served on the editorial boards of a number of scholarly journals.

The Great Trek Festival pays tribute to this original Great Trek. The University of British Columbia at Fairview was founded in 1915 and grew rapidly in its first seven years. Building was minimal at UBC and the Government had ceased the building of the area of Point Grey. Despite a great feeling of hope surrounding the creation of this new institution, the quick expansion made obvious the necessity for more adequate facilities at UBC.

Students began a campaign in 1922 to encourage the building of more classrooms and facilities for the university.

The student’s petition for signatures began at the start of the school year, September 1922 and by the week of October 22-29, they had reached 56,000 signatures, collected from residents of Vancouver in support of more suitable building at UBC. During this same week, the students embarked on a ‘Great Trek’ through Downtown Vancouver and ended up at Point Grey. After the march took place, the petition and signatures were presented to the Cabinet in Victoria and the continuing of building on Point Grey was approved. The students were successful.

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The great trek was the mass emigration of dutch, german and french huguenot (boers) colonizers of cape colony in south africa from cape colony towards the interior areas of the continent that took place from 1835 until 1840., search for worksheets, download the the great trek facts & worksheets.

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Table of Contents

The Great Trek was the mass emigration of Dutch, German and French Huguenot (Boers) colonizers of Cape colony in  South Africa from Cape Colony towards the interior areas of the continent that took place from 1835 until 1840. The trek was done as a form of resistance against the British government and as an attempt to live independently from British rule.

See the fact file below for more information on the Great Trek or alternatively, you can download our 25-page The Great Trek worksheet pack to utilise within the classroom or home environment.

Key Facts & Information

Leading to the great trek period.

• Boers were the Dutch, German and French Huguenots who were the first colonizers of Cape Colony. They arrived in the area during the early 1650s.
• The Boers disagreed with policies the British government implemented. Policies minimizing slavery of native Africans and land colonization for white settlement were some policies implemented that the Boers protested against.
• Boers believed that British authorities favored protecting the rights of native Africans instead of theirs. As a result, rebellions were staged against British authority and in 1815,  British authorities hanged 5 rebel Boers because they attempted to start an uprising against the British government for its bias towards African rights.
• The Boers believed that they would find land on the interior parts of the continent and be able to establish their own colonies that would be free from British rule.
• January 1832 Dr. Andrew Smith, a British zoologist sent to Cape Colony, and a Boer farmer went on an expedition to scout Natal as a potential colony. Natal, along with the other land areas in its radius, was portrayed as a promising area to colonize due to its topography and nearly complete absence of inhabitants.
• Around 12,0000 Boers of Cape Colony , predominantly the Dutch, decided to leave the area as a result of the rising tension with British authority
• The first group of Boers who left Cape Colony were recognized as Voortrekkers meaning early migrants. These Voortrekkers left Cape Colony in 1835 and migrated to the interior Highveld north of the Orange River. Their movement led them to be recognized as the pioneers of the mass emigration of the Boers from Cape Colony or The Great Trek.

THE GREAT TREK PERIOD

• Boers were emigrating from Cape Colony from 1835-1840.
• The Voortrekkers traveled by oxen-drawn wagons.
• Piet Retief, a prominent Voortrekker leader and commander, published a manifesto that stated reasons as to why the Boers were emigrating from Cape Colony. It  was published on February 1837 in  Grahamstown’s Journal
• Boers who left Cape Colony always traveled in groups consisting of families, servants, and livestock. They brought with them cases of water, dried food, clothing, some brought weapons such as spears and guns. These groups traveled under the guidance of a leader
• Some well-known leaders were Andries Potgieter, Gert Maritz, Piet Retief, and Piet Uys.
• The expedition was harsh not only because of the geographical obstacles such as the Orange and Vaal rivers that intercepted their path and the Limpopo river delta that was infested with Malarial Mosquitoes,  but also because of native African kingdoms they came in contact with such as the Zulus, Matebeles, and Xhosas. The Boers and leaders of African states disagreed about land ownership and settlement resulting in several battles.

BATTLES OF THE GREAT TREK PERIOD

• On October 20, 1836 as a group of Voortrekkers led by Hendrik Potgieter made their way out of the Tarka area, they were attacked by roughly 5,000  Ndebele warriors. Under the command of Potgieter, the Voortrekkers retreated and left their livestock, specifically their cattle, behind. This is known as the Battle of Vegkop.
• Piet Retief, one of the most important leaders of the Great Trek, struck a deal with with Dingane, the Zulu king, that stated that an area of land in Natal will be given to the Voortrekkers in exchange of Retief and his troops recovering the herd of cattle stolen by  Sekonyela (the chief of the Tlokwa). Despite agreement on the settlement, Dingane killed Retief and all of his comrades on February 1838
• April 1838, because of the massacre of Piet Retief and his group of trekkers, assistance from Piet Uys and Hendrik Potgieter were called for. Uys and Potgieter led their parties for battle against the Zulu to the capital of the Zulu king, Umgungundlovu. Potgieter’s troops retreated from the battlefield immediately, leaving Uys uncoordinated and alone. This led to their defeat. This is known as the Battle of Italeni.
• December 16, 1838, after several defeats from the Zulu kingdom and to end the disparity, Voortrekker forces led by Andries Pretorius entered Zululand. Positioned near the Ncome River, Pretorius’s troops were able to successfully attack the Zulu warriors. The Ncome river was red with the blood from Zulu warriors, coining the name Battle of Blood River.

The Great Trek Worksheets

This is a fantastic bundle which includes everything you need to know about the Great Trek across 25 in-depth pages. These are ready-to-use The Great Trek worksheets that are perfect for teaching students about the Great Trek which was the mass emigration of Dutch, German and French Huguenot (Boers) colonizers of Cape colony in South Africa from Cape Colony towards the interior areas of the continent that took place from 1835 until 1840. The trek was done as a form of resistance against the British government and as an attempt to live independently from British rule.

Complete List Of Included Worksheets

• The Great Trek Facts
• You’re Out of Here
• Backpacking Through Time
• The Ultimate Match
• You Give Me Meaning
• Lead the Way
• Get in Line
• The Outcome
• Compare and Contrast

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Rethinking the Great Trek

By james c. juhnke.

James Juhnke is professor emeritus of history at Bethel College and co-editor of Mennonite Life.

Millennialism

Community building, muslim-christian relations.

Photos: The Great North American Solar Eclipse

Millions of people experienced totality on monday as the moon wandered between earth and the sun..

The highly anticipated Great North American Solar Eclipse finally happened, spreading brief darkness across the continent and revealing the outermost layer of the Sun’s atmosphere.

The total solar eclipse’s path over land began in Mexico starting around 2:07 p.m. ET, crossing into Texas at 2:27 p.m. ET and Maine around 3:35 p.m. ET. The path of totality crossed major cities in the U.S. and Canada, and an even larger area experienced partial dimming of the daylight. Countless cameras pointed at the celestial spectacle; here are some of the best shots so far.

Coming in hot

During the eclipse, the Moon passed in front of the Sun from our perspective on Earth. Compared to the 2017 eclipse, the Moon is closer to Earth, so it appeared slightly larger during this year’s eclipse, with a longer period of totality and darkness. This view of the Moon partially blocking the Sun was taken from Eagle Pass, Texas.

Monday’s event marked the first total solar eclipse that passed through North America in seven years, with the next one taking place on August 23, 2044. This shot was taken in Brady, Texas.

Solar maximum

This year’s solar eclipse coincided with the solar maximum , a period of increased activity when the Sun regularly expels material into space. The star goes through an 11-year cycle of fluctuating activity, and we are currently coming up on the solar maximum of cycle 25, which means the Sun has been exhibiting a rise in the number of sunspots, solar flares, and coronal mass ejections. As a result, views of the eclipse captured plenty of solar prominences sticking out from behind the Moon. This view of the Sun was captured from Fort Worth, Texas.

Time to shine

At the time of totality, the Sun’s disc is blocked by the Moon. What remains is the solar corona—the outermost layer of the Sun’s atmosphere that’s made up of plasma. This view of the eclipse was captured from Paris, Texas.

As seen from space

The spectacle isn’t just reserved for us on Earth; astronauts on board the International Space Station were also treated to an exceptional view of the total solar eclipse on Monday as it swept across North America.

Total eclipse of the heart

Back on Earth, love was in the air during the celestial event. In the above picture, couples gaze up at the eclipse during a mass wedding at the Total Eclipse of the Heart festival in Russellville, Arkansas.

Spectators of the total solar eclipse were advised not to look at the Sun unless equipped with special viewing glasses to prevent their eyeballs from burning.

A young onlooker observes the solar eclipse from Niagara Falls, New York.

Temporary darkness

Earthly viewers experienced a brief period of darkness, as though it were dusk or dawn. In this image, the Statue of Freedom on top of the U.S. Capitol in Washington stands in the Moon’s shadow.

Virtual viewing

A couple looks onto the solar eclipse from Trenton, Ohio.

If you weren’t able to catch the eclipse IRL, there are plenty of ways to replay it. NASA and other organizations set up live streams of the celestial event for your viewing pleasure.

The Great Trek ( Afrikaans : Die Groot Trek [di ˌχruət ˈtrɛk] ; Dutch : De Grote Trek [də ˌɣroːtə ˈtrɛk] ) was a northward migration of Dutch-speaking settlers who travelled by wagon trains from the Cape Colony into the interior of modern South Africa from 1836 onwards, seeking to live beyond the Cape's British colonial administration. The Great Trek resulted from the culmination of tensions between rural descendants of the Cape's original European settlers, known collectively as Boers , and the British Empire . It was also reflective of an increasingly common trend among individual Boer communities to pursue an isolationist and semi-nomadic lifestyle away from the developing administrative complexities in Cape Town . Boers who took part in the Great Trek identified themselves as voortrekkers ( /ˈfʊərtrɛkərz/ , Afrikaans: [ˈfuərˌtrɛkərs] ), meaning "pioneers", "pathfinders" (literally "fore-trekkers") in Dutch and Afrikaans .

The Great Trek led directly to the founding of several autonomous Boer republics , namely the South African Republic (also known simply as the Transvaal ), the Orange Free State , and the Natalia Republic . It also led to conflicts that resulted in the displacement of the Northern Ndebele people , and conflicts with the Zulu people that contributed to the decline and eventual collapse of the Zulu Kingdom .

Before the arrival of Europeans, the Cape of Good Hope area was populated by Khoisan tribes The first Europeans settled in the Cape area under the auspices of the Dutch East India Company (also known by its Dutch initials VOC ), which established a victualling station there in 1652 to provide its outward bound fleets with fresh provisions and a harbour of refuge during the long sea journey from Europe to Asia. In a few short decades, the Cape had become home to a large population of "vrijlieden" , also denoted as "vrijburgers" (free citizens), former Company employees who remained in Dutch territories overseas after completing their contracts. Since the primary purpose of the Cape settlement at the time was to stock provisions for passing Dutch ships, the VOC offered grants of farmland to its employees under the condition they would cultivate grain for the Company warehouses, and released them from their contracts to save on their wages. Vrijburgers were granted tax-exempt status for 12 years and loaned all the necessary seeds and farming implements they requested. They were married Dutch citizens, considered "of good character" by the Company, and had to commit to spending at least 20 years on the African continent. Reflecting the multi-national character of the VOC's workforce, some German soldiers and sailors were also considered for vrijburger status as well, and in 1688 the Dutch government sponsored the resettlement of over a hundred French Huguenot refugees at the Cape. As a result, by 1691 over a quarter of the colony's European population was not ethnically Dutch. Nevertheless, there was a degree of cultural assimilation through intermarriage, and the almost universal adoption of the Dutch language. Cleavages were likelier to occur along social and economic lines; broadly speaking, the Cape colonists were delineated into Boers , poor farmers who settled directly on the frontier, and the more affluent, predominantly urbanised Cape Dutch .

Following the Flanders Campaign and the Batavian Revolution in Amsterdam , France assisted in the establishment of a pro-French client state, the Batavian Republic , on Dutch soil. This opened the Cape to French warships. To protect her own prosperous maritime shipping routes, Great Britain occupied the fledgling colony by force until 1803. From 1806 to 1814, the Cape was governed as a British military dependency, whose sole importance to the Royal Navy was its strategic relation to Indian maritime traffic. The British formally assumed permanent administrative control around 1815, as a result of the Treaty of Paris .

At the onset of the British rule, the Cape Colony encompassed 100,000 square miles (260,000 km 2 ) and was populated by about 26,720 people of European descent, a relative majority of whom were of Dutch origin. Just over a quarter were of German ancestry and about one-sixth were descended from French Huguenots, although most had ceased speaking French since about 1750. There were also 30,000 African and Asian slaves owned by the settlers, and about 17,000 indigenous Khoisan . Relations between the settlers – especially the Boers – and the new administration quickly soured. The British authorities were adamantly opposed to the Boers' ownership of slaves and what was perceived as their unduly harsh treatment of the indigenous peoples.

The British government insisted that the Cape finance its own affairs through self-taxation, an approach which was alien to both the Boers and the Dutch merchants in Cape Town. In 1815, the controversial arrest of a white farmer for allegedly assaulting one of his servants resulted in the abortive Slachter's Nek Rebellion . The British retaliated by hanging at least five Boers for insurrection. In 1828, the Cape governor declared that all native inhabitants but slaves were to have the rights of "citizens", in respect of security and property ownership, on parity with the settlers. This had the effect of further alienating the colony's white population. Boer resentment of successive British administrators continued to grow throughout the late 1820s and early 1830s, especially with the official imposition of the English language. This replaced Dutch with English as the language used in the Cape's judicial and political systems, putting the Boers at a disadvantage, as most spoke little or no English.

Britain's alienation of the Boers was particularly amplified by the decision to abolish slavery in all its colonies in 1834. All 35,000 slaves registered with the Cape governor were to be freed and given rights on par with other citizens, although in most cases their masters could retain them as apprentices until 1838. Many Boers, especially those involved with grain and wine production, were dependent on slave labour; for example, 94% of all white farmers in the vicinity of Stellenbosch owned slaves at the time, and the size of their slave holdings correlated greatly to their production output. Compensation was offered by the British government, but payment had to be received in London , and few Boers possessed the funds to make the trip.

Bridling at what they considered an unwarranted intrusion into their way of life, some in the Boer community considered selling their farms and venturing deep into South Africa's unmapped interior to preempt further disputes and live completely independent from British rule. Others, especially trekboers , a class of Boers who pursued semi-nomadic pastoral activities, were frustrated by the apparent unwillingness or inability of the British government to extend the borders of the Cape Colony eastward and provide them with access to more prime pasture and economic opportunities. They resolved to trek beyond the colony's borders on their own.

Although it did nothing to impede the Great Trek, Great Britain viewed the movement with pronounced trepidation. The British government initially suggested that conflict in the far interior of Southern Africa between the migrating Boers and the Bantu peoples they encountered would require an expensive military intervention. However, authorities at the Cape also judged that the human and material cost of pursuing the settlers and attempting to re-impose an unpopular system of governance on those who had deliberately spurned it was not worth the immediate risk. Some officials were concerned for the tribes the Boers were certain to encounter, and whether these tribes would be enslaved or otherwise reduced to a state of penury .

The Great Trek was not universally popular among the settlers either. Around 12,000 of them took part in the migration, about a fifth of the colony's Dutch-speaking white population at the time. The Dutch Reformed Church , to which most of the Boers belonged, explicitly refused to endorse the Great Trek. Despite their hostility towards the British, there were Boers who chose to remain in the Cape of their own accord.

For its part, the distinct Cape Dutch community had accepted British rule; many of its members even considered themselves loyal British subjects with a special affection for English culture. The Cape Dutch were also much more heavily urbanised and therefore less likely to be susceptible to the same rural grievances and considerations as those held by the Boers.

Exploratory treks to Natal

In January 1832, Andrew Smith (an Englishman) and William Berg (a Boer farmer) scouted Natal as a potential colony. On their return to the Cape, Smith waxed very enthusiastic, and the impact of discussions Berg had with the Boers proved crucial. Berg portrayed Natal as a land of exceptional farming quality, well watered, and nearly devoid of inhabitants.

In June 1834, the Boer leaders of Uitenhage and Grahamstown discussed a Kommissietrek ('Commission Trek') to visit Natal and to assess its potential as a new homeland for the Cape Boers who were disenchanted with British rule at the Cape. Petrus Lafras Uys was chosen as trek leader. In early August 1834, Jan Gerritze Bantjes set off with some travellers headed for Grahamstown 220 kilometres (140 mi) away, a three-week journey from Graaff-Reinet . Sometime around late August 1834 Jan Bantjes arrived in Grahamstown, contacted Uys and made his introductions.

In June 1834 at Graaff-Reinet, Jan Gerritze Bantjes heard about the exploratory trek to Port Natal and, encouraged by his father Bernard Louis Bantjes, sent word to Uys of his interest in participating. Bantjes wanted to help re-establish Dutch independence over the Boers and to get away from British law at the Cape. Bantjes was already well known in the area as an educated young man fluent both in spoken and written Dutch and in English. Because of these skills, Uys invited Bantjes to join him. Bantjes's writing skills would prove invaluable in recording events as the journey unfolded.

On 8 September 1834, the Kommissietrek of 40 men and one woman, as well as a retinue of coloured servants, set off from Grahamstown for Natal with 14 wagons. Moving through the Eastern Cape , they were welcomed by the Xhosa who were in dispute with the neighbouring Zulu King Dingane ka Senzangakhona , and they passed unharmed into Natal. They travelled more or less the same route that Smith and Berg had taken two years earlier.

The trek avoided the coastal route, keeping to the flatter inland terrain. The Kommissietrek approached Port Natal from East Griqualand and Ixopo , crossing the upper regions of the Mtamvuna and Umkomazi rivers. Travel was slow due to the rugged terrain, and since it was the summer, the rainy season had swollen many of the rivers to their maximum. Progress required days of scouting to locate the most suitable tracks to negotiate. Eventually, after weeks of extraordinary toil, the small party arrived at Port Natal, crossing the Congela River and weaving their way through the coastal forest into the bay area. They had travelled a distance of about 650 kilometres (400 mi) from Grahamstown. This trip would have taken about 5 to 6 months with their slow moving wagons. The Drakensberg route via Kerkenberg into Natal had not yet been discovered.

They arrived at the sweltering hot bay of Port Natal in February 1835, exhausted after their long journey. There, the trek was soon welcomed with open arms by the few British hunters and ivory traders there such as James Collis, including Reverend Allen Francis Gardiner , an ex-commander of the Royal Navy ship Clinker , who had decided to start a mission station there. After congenial exchanges between the Boers and British sides, the party joined them and invited Dick King to become their guide.

The Boers set up their laager ('wagon fort') camp in the area of the present-day Greyville Racecourse in Durban , chosen because it had suitable grazing for the oxen and horses and was far from the foraging hippos in the bay. Several small streams running off the Berea ridge provided fresh water. Alexander Biggar was also at the bay as a professional elephant-hunter and provided the trekkers with information regarding conditions at Port Natal. Bantjes made notes suggested by Uys, which later formed the basis of his more comprehensive report on the positive aspects of Natal. Bantjes also made rough maps of the bay - although this journal is now missing - showing the potential for a harbour which could supply the Boers in their new homeland.

At Port Natal, Uys sent Dick King, who could speak Zulu, to uMgungundlovu to investigate with King Dingane the possibility of granting them land. When Dick King returned to Port Natal some weeks later, he reported that King Dingane insisted they visit him in person. Johannes Uys, brother of Piet Uys, and a number of comrades with a few wagons travelled toward King Dingane's capital at uMgungundlovu, and after making a laager camp at the mouth of the Mvoti River , they proceeded on horseback, but were halted by a flooded Tugela River and forced to return to the laager .

The Kommissietrek left Port Natal for Grahamstown with a stash of ivory in early June 1835, following more or less the same route back to the Cape, and arrived at Grahamstown in October 1835. On Piet Uys's recommendation, Bantjes set to work on the first draft of the Natalialand Report. Meetings and talks took place in the main church to much approval, and the first sparks of Trek Fever began to take hold. From all the information accumulated at Port Natal, Bantjes drew up the final report on "Natalia or Natal Land" that acted as the catalyst which inspired the Boers at the Cape to set in motion the Great Trek.

The first wave of Voortrekkers lasted from 1835 to 1840, during which an estimated 6,000 people (roughly 20% of the Cape Colony's total population or 10% of the white population in the 1830s) trekked.

The first two parties of Voortrekkers left in September 1835, led by Louis Tregardt and Hans van Rensburg . These two parties crossed the Vaal river at Robert's Drift in January 1836, but in April 1836 the two parties split up, just 110 kilometres (70 mi) from the Zoutpansberg mountains, following differences between Tregardt and van Rensburg.

A party led by Hendrik Potgieter trekked out of the Tarka area in either late 1835 or early 1836, and in September 1836 a party led by Gerrit Maritz began their trek from Graaff-Reinet. There was no clear consensus amongst the trekkers on where they were going to settle, but they all had the goal of settling near an outlet to the sea. : 162, 163 

In late July 1836 van Rensburg's entire party of 49, except two children who were saved by a Zulu warrior, were massacred at Inhambane by an impi (a force of warriors) of Manukosi . Those of Tregardt's party that had set up around Soutpansberg moved on to colonise Delagoa Bay , with most of the party, including Tregardt, perishing from fever. : 163 

Conflict with the Matebele

In August 1836, despite pre-existing peace agreements with local black leaders, a Ndebele (Matebele) patrol attacked the Liebenberg family part of Potgieter's party, killing six men, two women and six children. It is thought that their primary aim was to plunder the Voortrekkers' cattle. On 20 October 1836, Potgieter's party was attacked by an army of 4,600 Ndebele warriors at the Battle of Vegkop . Thirty-five armed trekkers repulsed the Ndebele assault on their laager with the loss of two men and almost all the trekkers' cattle. Potgieter, Uys and Maritz mounted two punitive commando raids. The first resulted in the sacking of the Ndebele colony at Mosega, the death of 400 Ndebele, and the taking of 7,000 cattle. The second commando forced Mzilikazi and his followers to flee to what is now modern day Zimbabwe . : 163 

By spring 1837, five to six large Voortrekker colonies had been established between the Vaal and Orange Rivers with a total population of around 2,000 trekkers.

Conflict with the Zulu

In October 1837 Retief met with Zulu King Dingane to negotiate a treaty for land in what is now Kwa-Zulu Natal . King Dingane, suspicious and untrusting because of previous Voortrekker influxes from across the Drakensberg, had Retief and seventy of his followers killed . : 164 

Various interpretations of what transpired exist, as only the missionary Francis Owen's written eye-witness account survived. Retief's written request for land contained veiled threats by referring to the Voortrekker's defeat of indigenous groups encountered along their journey. The Voortrekker demand for a written contract guaranteeing private property ownership was incompatible with the contemporaneous Zulu oral culture which prescribed that a chief could only temporarily dispense land as it was communally owned.

Most versions agree that the following happened: King Dingane's authority extended over some of the land in which the Boers wanted to settle. As prerequisite to granting the Voortrekker request, he demanded that the Voortrekkers return some cattle stolen by Sekonyela, a rival chief. After the Boers retrieved the cattle, King Dingane invited Retief to his residence at uMgungundlovu to finalise the treaty, having either planned the massacre in advance, or deciding to do so after Retief and his men arrived.

King Dingane's reputed instruction to his warriors, " Bulalani abathakathi! " (Zulu for "kill the wizards") may indicate that he considered the Boers to wield evil supernatural powers. After killing Retief's delegation, a Zulu army of 7,000 impis were sent out and immediately attacked Voortrekker encampments in the Drakensberg foothills at what later was called Blaauwkrans and Weenen , leading to the Weenen massacre in which 532 people were killed, including 282 Voortrekkers, of whom 185 were children, and 250 Khoikhoi and Basuto accompanying them. In contrast to earlier conflicts with the Xhosa on the eastern Cape frontier, the Zulus killed women and children along with men, wiping out half of the Natal contingent of Voortrekkers.

The Voortrekkers retaliated with a 347-strong punitive raid against the Zulu (later known as the Flight Commando), supported by new arrivals from the Orange Free State . The Voortrekkers were roundly defeated by about 7,000 warriors at Ithaleni , southwest of uMgungundlovu. The well-known reluctance of Afrikaner leaders to submit to one another's leadership, which later hindered sustained success in the Anglo-Boer Wars , was largely to blame.

In November 1838 Andries Pretorius arrived with a commando of 60 armed trekkers and two cannon to assist in the defence. A few days later on 16 December 1838, a force of 468 trekkers, 3 Britons , and 60 black allies fought against 10,000 to 12,000 Zulu impis at the Battle of Blood River . Pretorius's victory over the Zulu army led to a civil war within the Zulu nation as King Dingane's half-brother, Mpande kaSenzangakhona , aligned with the Voortrekkers to overthrow the king and impose himself. Mpande sent 10,000 impis to assist the trekkers in follow-up expeditions against Dingane. : 164 

After the defeat of the Zulu forces and the recovery of the treaty between Dingane and Retief from Retief's body, the Voortrekkers proclaimed the Natalia Republic . After Dingane's death, Mpande was proclaimed king, and the Zulu nation allied with the short-lived Natalia Republic until its annexation by the British Empire in 1843. : 164 

The Voortrekkers' guns offered them a technological advantage over the Zulu's traditional weaponry of short stabbing spears, fighting sticks, and cattle-hide shields. The Boers attributed their victory to a vow they made to God before the battle: if victorious, they and future generations would commemorate the day as a Sabbath . Thereafter, 16 December was celebrated by Boers as a public holiday, first called Dingane's Day, later changed to the Day of the Vow . Post-apartheid , the name was changed to the Day of Reconciliation by the South African government, in order to foster reconciliation between all South Africans.

Conflict amongst the Voortrekkers was a problem because the trek levelled out the pre-existing class hierarchy which had previously enforced discipline, and thus social cohesion broke down. Instead the trek leaders became more reliant on patriarchal family structure and military reputation to maintain control over their parties. This had a large and lasting impact on Afrikaans culture and society. : 163 

Centenary celebrations

The celebration of the Great Trek in the 1930s played a major role in the growth of Afrikaans nationalism . It is thought that the experiences of the Second Boer War and the following period, between 1906 and 1934, of a lack of public discussion about the war within the Afrikaans community helped set the scene for a large increase in interest in Afrikaans national identity. The celebration of the centenary of the Great Trek along with a new generation of Afrikaners interested in learning about the Afrikaans experiences of the Boer War catalysed a surge of Afrikaans nationalism. : 433 

The centenary celebrations began with a re-enactment of the trek beginning on 8 August 1938 with nine ox wagons at the statue of Jan van Riebeeck in Cape Town and ended at the newly completed Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria and attended by over 100,000 people. A second re-enactment trek starting at the same time and place ended at the scene of the Battle of Blood River. : 432 

The commemoration sparked mass enthusiasm amongst Afrikaners as the re-enactment trek passed through the small towns and cities of South Africa. Both participants and spectators participated by dressing in Voortrekker clothing, renaming streets, holding ceremonies, erecting monuments, and laying wreaths at the graves of Afrikaner heroes. Cooking meals over an open fire in the same way the Voortrekkers did became fashionable amongst urbanites, giving birth to the South African tradition of braaing . : 432  An Afrikaans language epic called Building a Nation ( Die Bou van 'n Nasie ) was made in 1938 to coincide with the 100th anniversary of the Great Trek. The film tells the Afrikaans version of the history of South Africa from 1652 to 1910 with a focus on the Great Trek.

A number of Afrikaans organisations such as the Afrikaner Broederbond and Afrikaanse Taal en Kultuurvereniging continued to promote the centenary's goals of furthering the Afrikaner cause and entrenching a greater sense of unity and solidarity within the community well into the 20th century. : 432 

Political impact

The Great Trek was used by Afrikaner nationalists as a core symbol of a common Afrikaans history. It was used to promote the idea of an Afrikaans nation and a narrative that promoted the ideals of the National Party . In 1938, celebrations of the centenary of the Battle of Blood River and the Great Trek mobilised behind an Afrikaans nationalist theses. The narrative of Afrikaner nationalism was a significant reason for the National Party's victory in the 1948 elections . A year later the Voortrekker Monument was completed and opened in Pretoria by the newly elected South African Prime Minister and National Party member Daniel Malan in 1949.

A few years later, " Die Stem van Suid-Afrika " ('The Voice of South Africa'), a poem written by Cornelis Jacobus Langenhoven referring to the Great Trek, was chosen to be the words of the pre-1994 South African national anthem. The post-1997 national anthem of South Africa incorporates a section of " Die Stem van Suid-Afrika " but it was decided to omit the section in "reference to the Great Trek (' met die kreun van ossewa '), since this was the experience of only one section of our community". When apartheid in South Africa ended and the country transitioned to majority rule, President F. W. de Klerk invoked the measures as a new Great Trek.

• H. Rider Haggard , Swallow (1899) and Marie (1912)
• Stuart Cloete , Turning Wheels (1937)
• Helga Moray, Untamed (1950) - a 1955 movie of the same name is based on this book.
• James A. Michener , The Covenant (1980)
• Zakes Mda , The Madonna of Excelsior (2002) ISBN   0312423829
• Robin Binckes, Canvas under the Sky (2011) ISBN   1920143637 - a controversial novel about a promiscuous drug-using Voortrekker set during the Great Trek.
• Jeanette Ferreira
• F.A. Venter ,
• C. W. H. Van der Post, Piet Uijs, of lijden en strijd der voortrekkers in Natal , novel, 1918.
• Untamed (1955), an adventure/love story set in the later part of the trek about an Irish woman seeking a new life in South Africa after the Great Famine . Based on a 1950 novel of the same name by Helga Moray.
• The Fiercest Heart (1961), an adventure/love story about two British soldiers who desert the military and join a group of Boers heading north on the Great Trek.
• Dorsland Trek
• History of South Africa
• African nationalism
• Afrikaner Calvinism
• Afrikaner nationalism
• Black Consciousness Movement
• Cape Independence
• Day of the Vow
• Greater South Africa
• Honorary whites
• Rooi gevaar
• Swart gevaar
• African National Congress
• Democratic Alliance
• Pan Africanist Congress of Azania
• Internal migrations in Africa
• Dutch colonisation in Africa
• 19th century in Africa
• Afrikaner people
• Voortrekker
• Cape Colony

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Go On a Tour of One of the Greatest Sets in Star Trek History

W hat’s the most important set on a Star Trek show? Depending on the series, it might differ—for the most part, it’s going to be the bridge of a starship . But “the bridge of a starship” isn’t really the answer to that question: it’s the place that feels most like home . And while it’s definitely not a starship, Deep Space Nine ’s promenade is exactly that, perhaps more than any other iconic locale in the franchise.

Today as part of a series of updates to its virtual tour offerings on the Apple Vision Pro, the Roddenberry Archive and OTOY announced a raft of new virtual reality set tours , taking fans inside the world of Star Trek. To celebrate this week’s return of Star Trek: Discovery , the bridge of the legendary vessel is now available for virtual visitation, as are the first virtual tours inside the fleets of the Klingon Empire —specifically the I.K.S. Amar, the K’t’inga battle cruiser from the opening of The Motion Picture. But perhaps the most fascinating addition is a further exploration of Deep Space Nine’s titular station, and the most important place of all among its rings and pylons : the thoroughfare of the Promenade.

The Promenade was already part of the archive, but now audiences can explore further aspects of the set—one of the biggest ever built for Star Trek, the biggest outright at the time of filming—but the real highlight is a new, accompanying documentary about the design history of the set and its legacy, narrated by the perfect tour guide for such a locale: Armin Shimmerman, the man behind the lobes of the Promenade’s premiere businessman, Quark.

It’s a great little piece, looking at the set’s design process, how its scale was captured on screen, as well as Shimmerman relishing in giving little in-universe guides to everything that the Promenade had to offer. It’s a reminder of not just what an impressive set it was, but how its design language informed the very heart of what Deep Space Nine was doing with Star Trek. In the Promenade, we have a primary set that is unlike anything we’ve ever seen on the show before: this is not Federation design, or Starfleet ship corridors, but the brutalist angles of Cardassian aesthetic clashing with the pops of color from the flags hung by the Bajorans and other alien cultures steadily in the process of reclaiming what was once a grim shadow over the oppressions of Bajor. Few Star Trek sets are exactly comforting, but this heady mix of sharp angles and cool metallics against the vibrancy of shop lights and flags brings the Promenade a sense of homeliness that few other regular Trek sets could match.

But one thing this tour can’t capture about the Promenade that made it so compelling in the first place is the people milling about the place: the life that made it feel like home more than anything else. Sure, every Trek set has had some flavor of walk and talk on it before, the bustle of crew milling about and looking at monitors, but the Promenade was life itself made manifest. The culture clash of the design language was echoed in the people —so many people, more people than we would often see in one place on Trek outside of big crowd sequences or social hubs like canteens and bars. You had Starfleet crew, sticking out in their black and division-colored uniforms, you had the browns and beiges of Odo and his local security officers, you had Bajoran priests, you had civilians of all species and stripes, from visitors passing through to vendors hocking food and trinkets—and, of course, the myriad patrons of myriad scruples flocking in and out of Quark’s bar. The Promenade was defined by background vibrancy, a social and communal space that was far more important to Deep Space Nine than the cramped battle bridge of the Defiant, or the command crew’s home in operations.

That life made the Promenade sing—sometimes literally, in the case of the Klingon restaurateur playing his accordion and roaring traditional Klingon ballads at diners—and it made it the heart of Deep Space Nine, a sacred space for the viewer that the show could then violate at a moment’s notice to amplify any given threat. The Promenade has been home to firefights, assassination attempts, it’s been besieged , it’s been captured by our heroes’ worst enemies, but it’s also a place of love, adventure, and fun, the sight of some of the best moments in the entirety of DS9. It is, after all, where the show’s heart is—and that is where home resides.

Want more io9 news? Check out when to expect the latest Marvel , Star Wars , and Star Trek releases, what’s next for the DC Universe on film and TV , and everything you need to know about the future of Doctor Who .

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Is Star Trek’s Transporter Really Possible?!‪?‬ Does It Fly?

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We explore the rules of one of the greatest innovations in sci-fi history, Star Trek’s transporter! We also ask the big question: could this iconic science fiction technology become a science reality in our lifetimes? EPISODE SUMMARY One of the most iconic pieces of Star Trek technology! By converting matter into energy, objects and living beings can be “beamed” across great distances, where they are then re-converted back into physical matter. Not just a clever way to not require Starfleet away teams to have to jump in an expensive shuttlecraft every time they need to get back and forth from a starship, but a concept instantly recognizable as uniquely Star Trek, one which has the power to make or break a mission and that has been the focus of multiple stories in the franchise’s history. Noted astrophysicist Hakeem Oluseyi and pop culture expert Tamara Krinsky break it all down to see what it takes to, well, break down a living person and reassemble them at another location. From a science perspective, Hakeem tackles both the scientific feasibility of converting matter into energy and (perhaps infinitely trickier) then converting the energy back into solid matter. Is there any existing technology analogous to this? Is it possible to even consider that this could be done to a living being without killing them? What about real world parallels with concepts such as quantum teleportation? And just how much data storage do you need in order to make this happen? Meanwhile, Tamara looks at this incredibly reliable piece of fictional Star Trek technology from a story standpoint. What happens to someone’s soul (or, at least their consciousness) when their atoms are disassembled and reassembled elsewhere? What about Dr. McCoy’s well noted objections every time he steps on a transporter pad? Are McCoy’s fears as commonplace to a 23rd century citizen as a fear of flying is for people of today? All this and more in our first episode! Don’t forget you can also join the conversation in the comments on our YouTube page, so be sure to like and subscribe! FURTHER READING Want to dive a little deeper into the scientific concepts Hakeem touched on in today’s episode? Quantum Teleportation “There is something that works in the real universe, and it’s called quantum teleportation, but it’s not [the transporter].” Avogadro’s Number “If you want to take a guess at how many atoms are in this cup or in this microphone, you start with Avogadro’s number.” Moore’s Law “Here on Earth, we have this thing called Moore’s Law, and that has to do with the growth of processor speed, but I think there might be something similar for the growth of data storage.” The Hebbian Learning Rule “That’s the big one for me. How do you handle memory? Because as the saying goes, ‘neurons that fire together, wire together.’” Heisenberg’s Uncertainty Principle “There’s this thing called Heisenberg’s Uncertainty Principle, so [with the transporter] you can’t get both their motion and their location to arbitrary-precision…” And for those of you who want to learn more about the early days of Star Trek and the behind-the-scenes stories surrounding the creation of the transporter… The Making of Star Trek by Stephen E. Whitfield and Gene Roddenberry One of the foundational Star Trek texts, and one that Tamara referred to when researching today’s episode. “Movie and TV-making technology at that time, making models and miniatures was pretty much how that was accomplished on screen, and it was really expensive. So if you were going to have a show every week where you had to bring a crew down in a shuttle or some kind of spaceship, that was going to be really expensive for the budget of the show. But it's a basic premise, so you're gonna have to figure out how to do it every week…you've only got a certain amount of time to tell your story and you want to use those most efficiently an

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From Bonnie Tyler to Marge Simpson: 10 solar eclipse moments in pop culture history

When the moon totally blocks the sun on April 8, who knows how the phenomenon could inspire artists and entertainers?

Solar eclipses like the one arriving April 8 to Michigan have been featured prominently in past movies, TV shows, novels and songs. Thus the primeval power of sudden darkness in the daytime could lead to some future hit tunes, action film sequences or fantasy novels.

With Detroit expecting about 99% coverage of the sun, we’re 100% ready to cover every aspect of eclipse mania, including with this top 10 list of best-known uses of eclipses in popular culture.

1. 'You're So Vain'

The 1972 break-up anthem “You’re So Vain,” written and performed by Carly Simon, depicts men who’d rather stare into a mirror than evaluate their own behavior. The third verse perfectly captures their obsession with status: “Well, I hear you went up to Saratoga/ And your horse naturally won/ Then you flew your Lear jet up to Nova Scotia/ To see the total eclipse of the sun.” In 2015, Simon told People that the second verse is about Warren Beatty, but the third verse remains a mystery. Hmm, anyone have flight information for Canada timed to the 1970 eclipse?

2. '2001: A Space Odyssey'

The opening of Stanley Kubrick’s 1968 sci-fi masterpiece “2001: A Space Odyssey” begins with the sun emerging from a total eclipse as the majestic notes of “Also Sprach Zarathustra” (aka the “2001”theme) play. But the shot is even more epic than it seems at first glance. As Lisa Yaszek, a former president of the Science Fiction Research Association, told Vox in 2017 (the last time the United States experienced a total solar eclipse): “You see the sun and the moon and the Earth in alignment, but you realize very quickly that you’re not actually seeing that eclipse from the Earth. You’re at some vantage point beyond the Earth, and presumably it’s from the vantage point of the aliens who plant the monolith.” Whoa, our brain just broke!

3. 'Total Eclipse of the Heart'

The 1983 hit “Total Eclipse of the Heart” was a career high for singer Bonnie Tyler and doubtless will land on various playlists for the upcoming eclipse. Moody, intense and filled with the pain of an unhealthy romance, it casts a long, emotional shadow: “Once upon a time I was falling in love/ Now I’m only falling apart/ There’s nothing I can do/ A total eclipse of the heart.” During last year’s 40th anniversary of the pop classic, Tyler told the Guardian that songwriter Jim Steinman originally began work on it for a possible musical about Nosferatu. Well, Dracula does have bright eyes.

4. 'A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court'

Mark Twain’s 1889 novel “A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court” follows the adventures of a man who’s magically transported back to medieval England. Sentenced to burn at the stake for his strange modern ways, the time traveler uses his knowledge of an eclipse from the year 528 (conveniently timed to his execution) to convince King Arthur to save his life. The inventive tale has been adapted into a 1949 cinematic musical starring Bing Crosby, a Bugs Bunny special and a two-episode story arc on the original “MacGyver” TV series. Can a Netflix miniseries be far behind?

5. 'Star Trek: Voyager'

The opening credits of a slightly more humble space opera, the “Star Trek: Voyager” TV series (1995-2001), concludes with Capt. Katherine Janeway’s (Kate Mulgrew) state-of-the-art ship zipping through outer space as a solar eclipse occurs in the background. That particular “Voyager” sequence is among the fan favorites of the various openings for "Star Trek” TV shows. What makes it special is the CGI depiction of the Intrepid-class U.S.S. Voyager, circa 2371 (thanks, Wikipedia!) as it explores the nooks and crannies of the galaxies.

6. 'The Simpsons'

In 2009, “The Simpsons” had a storyline in “Gone Maggie Gone” that doubled as a public service announcement on eclipse hazards. In it, Homer, Lisa and Bart view the eclipse indirectly by using homemade "camera obscura" pinhole boxes, while Marge —who has given hers to Homer after he broke his — can’t resist looking straight at the sun with unprotected eyes. Bad move, because Marge’s injured eyes must then be covered with bandages for a couple of weeks, during which time baby Maggie goes missing. Optical warning received! (And here's a Freep article on how to view the eclipse safely).

7. 'Little Shop of Horrors'

The 1986 movie musical “Little Shop of Horrors,” adapted from the off-Broadway version, hinges on the geeky hero, Seymour (Rick Moranis), bringing an exotic plant he names Audrey II to the flower shop where he works. As is explained in the song “Da-Doo,” Seymour purchased the plant during a solar eclipse. Soon, the identity of Audrey II (voiced by Motown great Levi Stubbs of the Four Tops) is revealed to be that of an extraterrestrial being that craves human blood and wants to take over the world. The moral of the story: Maybe don’t make an impulse buy on April 8?

8. 'Heroes'

BC’s 2006-10 series “Heroes” depicted an eclipse on its logo and employed the astronomical event as a recurring theme. The pilot episode involved an eclipse that seemingly triggers the superpowers of the show's characters. In the third season, a two-part episode follows how an eclipse makes all of those special abilities vanish. As Gizmodo noted in 2017 , the mysteries of the eclipses were never fully examined. Instead, they “never amounted to being much more than a nifty visual effect used to create a sense of import” in the plot.

9. 'Mad Men'

A real-life 1963 solar eclipse popped up in AMC’s “Mad Men” in the 2009 episode titled “Seven Twenty Three,” where ad executive Don Draper (Jon Hamm) accompanies his daughter, Sally (Kiernan Shipka), to an eclipse party in order to flirt with her attractive teacher (Abigail Spencer). Too suave for precautions, Don winds up looking briefly at the eclipse through his sunglasses, which serve as a mirror to the celestial event. Great image for an iconic series, awful choice for a fictional self-destructive leading man.

10. 'Barabbas'

The 1961 religious saga “Barabbas,” filmed in Italy, starred Anthony Quinn in the title role of the prisoner who is released instead of Jesus by Pontius Pilate at a crowd’s request. The film’s crucifixion scene employed actual footage from the 1961 eclipse, a rare intersection of real life and movie magic.

Contact Detroit Free Press pop culture critic Julie Hinds at [email protected].

The Future of ‘Star Trek’: From ‘Starfleet Academy’ to New Movies and Michelle Yeoh, How the 58-Year-Old Franchise Is Planning for the Next Generation of Fans

“I can’t believe I get to play the captain of the Enterprise.”

“Strange New Worlds” is the 12th “Star Trek” TV show since the original series debuted on NBC in 1966, introducing Gene Roddenberry’s vision of a hopeful future for humanity. In the 58 years since, the “Star Trek” galaxy has logged 900 television episodes and 13 feature films, amounting to 668 hours — nearly 28 days — of content to date. Even compared with “Star Wars” and the Marvel Cinematic Universe, “Star Trek” stands as the only storytelling venture to deliver a single narrative experience for this long across TV and film.

In other words, “Star Trek” is not just a franchise. As Alex Kurtzman , who oversees all “Star Trek” TV production, puts it, “‘Star Trek’ is an institution.”

Without a steady infusion of new blood, though, institutions have a way of fading into oblivion (see soap operas, MySpace, Blockbuster Video). To keep “Star Trek” thriving has meant charting a precarious course to satisfy the fans who have fueled it for decades while also discovering innovative ways to get new audiences on board.

“Doing ‘Star Trek’ means that you have to deliver something that’s entirely familiar and entirely fresh at the same time,” Kurtzman says.

The franchise has certainly weathered its share of fallow periods, most recently after “Nemesis” bombed in theaters in 2002 and UPN canceled “Enterprise” in 2005. It took 12 years for “Star Trek” to return to television with the premiere of “Discovery” in 2017; since then, however, there has been more “Star Trek” on TV than ever: The adventure series “Strange New Worlds,” the animated comedy “Lower Decks” and the kids series “Prodigy” are all in various stages of production, and the serialized thriller “Picard” concluded last year, when it ranked, along with “Strange New Worlds,” among Nielsen’s 10 most-watched streaming original series for multiple weeks. Nearly one in five Paramount+ subscribers in the U.S. is watching at least one “Star Trek” series, according to the company, and more than 50% of fans watching one of the new “Trek” shows also watch at least two others. The new shows air in 200 international markets and are dubbed into 35 languages. As “Discovery” launches its fifth and final season in April, “Star Trek” is in many ways stronger than it’s ever been.

“’Star Trek’s fans have kept it alive more times than seems possible,” says Eugene Roddenberry, Jr., who executive produces the TV series through Roddenberry Entertainment. “While many shows rightfully thank their fans for supporting them, we literally wouldn’t be here without them.”

But the depth of fan devotion to “Star Trek” also belies a curious paradox about its enduring success: “It’s not the largest fan base,” says Akiva Goldsman, “Strange New Worlds” executive producer and co-showrunner. “It’s not ‘Star Wars.’ It’s certainly not Marvel.”

When J.J. Abrams rebooted “Star Trek” in 2009 — with Chris Pine, Zachary Quinto and Zoe Saldaña playing Kirk, Spock and Uhura — the movie grossed more than any previous “Star Trek” film by a comfortable margin. But neither that film nor its two sequels broke $500 million in global grosses, a hurdle every other top-tier franchise can clear without breaking a sweat.

There’s also the fact that “Star Trek” fans are aging. I ask “The Next Generation” star Jonathan Frakes, who’s acted in or directed more versions of “Star Trek” than any other person alive, how often he meets fans for whom the new “Star Trek” shows are their first. “Of the fans who come to talk to me, I would say very, very few,” he says. “‘Star Trek’ fans, as we know, are very, very, very loyal — and not very young.”

As Stapf puts it: “There’s a tried and true ‘Trek’ fan that is probably going to come to every ‘Star Trek,’ no matter what it is — and we want to expand the universe.”

Every single person I spoke to for this story talked about “Star Trek” with a joyful earnestness as rare in the industry as (nerd alert) a Klingon pacifist.

“When I’m meeting fans, sometimes they’re coming to be confirmed, like I’m kind of a priest,” Ethan Peck says during a break in filming on the “Strange New Worlds” set. He’s in full Spock regalia — pointy ears, severe eyebrows, bowl haircut — and when asked about his earliest memories of “Star Trek,” he stares off into space in what looks like Vulcan contemplation. “I remember being on the playground in second or third grade and doing the Vulcan salute, not really knowing where it came from,” he says. “When I thought of ‘Star Trek,’ I thought of Spock. And now I’m him. It’s crazy.”

To love “Star Trek” is to love abstruse science and cowboy diplomacy, complex moral dilemmas and questions about the meaning of existence. “It’s ultimately a show with the most amazing vision of optimism, I think, ever put on-screen in science fiction,” says Kurtzman, who is 50. “All you need is two minutes on the news to feel hopeless now. ‘Star Trek’ is honestly the best balm you could ever hope for.”

I’m getting a tour of the USS Enterprise from Scotty — or, rather, “Strange New World” production designer Jonathan Lee, who is gushing in his native Scottish burr as we step into the starship’s transporter room. “I got such a buzzer from doing this, I can’t tell you,” he says. “I actually designed four versions of it.”

Lee is especially proud of the walkway he created to run behind the transporter pads — an innovation that allows the production to shoot the characters from a brand-new set of angles as they beam up from a far-flung planet. It’s one of the countless ways that this show has been engineered to be as cinematic as possible, part of Kurtzman’s overall vision to make “Star Trek” on TV feel like “a movie every week.”

Kurtzman’s tenure with “Star Trek” began with co-writing the screenplay for Abrams’ 2009 movie, which was suffused with a fast-paced visual style that was new to the franchise. When CBS Studios approached Kurtzman in the mid-2010s about bringing “Star Trek” back to TV, he knew instinctively that it needed to be just as exciting as that film.

“The scope was so much different than anything we had ever done on ‘Next Gen,’” says Frakes, who’s helmed two feature films with the “Next Generation” cast and directed episodes of almost every live-action “Trek” TV series, including “Discovery” and “Strange New Worlds.” “Every department has the resources to create.”

A new science lab set for Season 3, for example, boasts a transparent floor atop a four-foot pool of water that swirls underneath the central workbench, and the surrounding walls sport a half dozen viewscreens with live schematics custom designed by a six-person team. “I like being able to paint on a really big canvas,” Kurtzman says. “The biggest challenge is always making sure that no matter how big something gets, you’re never losing focus on that tiny little emotional story.”

At this point, is there a genre that “Strange New Worlds” can’t do? “As long as we’re in storytelling that is cogent and sure handed, I’m not sure there is,” Goldsman says with an impish smile. “Could it do Muppets? Sure. Could it do black and white, silent, slapstick? Maybe!”

This approach is also meant to appeal to people who might want to watch “Star Trek” but regard those 668 hours of backstory as an insurmountable burden. “You shouldn’t have to watch a ‘previously on’ to follow our show,” Myers says.

To achieve so many hairpin shifts in tone and setting while maintaining Kurtzman’s cinematic mandate, “Strange New Worlds” has embraced one of the newest innovations in visual effects: virtual production. First popularized on the “Star Wars” series “The Mandalorian,” the technology — called the AR wall — involves a towering circular partition of LED screens projecting a highly detailed, computer-generated backdrop. Rather than act against a greenscreen, the actors can see whatever fantastical surroundings their characters are inhabiting, lending a richer level of verisimilitude to the show.

But there is a catch. While the technology is calibrated to maintain a proper sense of three-dimensional perspective through the camera lens, it can be a bit dizzying for anyone standing on the set. “The images on the walls start to move in a way that makes no sense,” says Mount. “You end up having to focus on something that’s right in front of you so you don’t fall down.”

And yet, even as he’s talking about it, Mount can’t help but break into a boyish grin. “Sometimes we call it the holodeck,” he says. In fact, the pathway to the AR wall on the set is dotted with posters of the virtual reality room from “The Next Generation” and the words “Enter Holodeck” in a classic “Trek” font.

“I want to take one of those home with me,” Peck says. Does the AR wall also affect him? “I don’t really get disoriented by it. Spock would not get ill, so I’m Method acting.”

I’m on the set of the “Star Trek” TV movie “Section 31,” seated in an opulent nightclub with a view of a brilliant, swirling nebula, watching Yeoh rehearse with director Olatunde Osunsanmi and her castmates. Originally, the project was announced as a TV series centered on Philippa Georgiou, the semi-reformed tyrant Yeoh originated on “Discovery.” But between COVID delays and the phenomenon of “Everything Everywhere All at Once,” there wasn’t room in the veteran actress’s schedule to fit a season of television. Yeoh was undaunted.

“We’d never let go of her,” she says of her character. “I was just blown away by all the different things I could do with her. Honestly, it was like, ‘Let’s just get it done, because I believe in this.’”

If that means nothing to you, don’t worry: The enormity of the revelation that Garrett is being brought back is meant only for fans. If you don’t know who the character is, you’re not missing anything.

“It was always my goal to deliver an entertaining experience that is true to the universe but appeals to newcomers,” says screenwriter Craig Sweeny. “I wanted a low barrier of entry so that anybody could enjoy it.”

Nevertheless, including Garrett on the show is exactly the kind of gasp-worthy detail meant to flood “Star Trek” fans with geeky good feeling.

“You cannot create new fans to the exclusion of old fans,” Kurtzman says. “You must serve your primary fan base first and you must keep them happy. That is one of the most important steps to building new fans.”

On its face, that maxim would make “Section 31” a genuine risk. The titular black-ops organization has been controversial with “Star Trek” fans since it was introduced in the 1990s. “The concept is almost antagonistic to some of the values of ‘Star Trek,’” Sweeny says. But he still saw “Section 31” as an opportunity to broaden what a “Star Trek” project could be while embracing the radical inclusivity at the heart of the franchise’s appeal.

“Famously, there’s a spot for everybody in Roddenberry’s utopia, so I was like, ‘Well, who would be the people who don’t quite fit in?’” he says. “I didn’t want to make the John le Carré version, where you’re in the headquarters and it’s backbiting and shades of gray. I wanted to do the people who were at the edges, out in the field. These are not people who necessarily work together the way you would see on a ‘Star Trek’ bridge.”

For Osunsanmi, who grew up watching “The Next Generation” with his father, it boils down to a simple question: “Is it putting good into the world?” he asks. “Are these characters ultimately putting good into the world? And, taking a step back, are we putting good into the world? Are we inspiring humans watching this to be good? That’s for me what I’ve always admired about ‘Star Trek.’”

Should “Section 31” prove successful, Yeoh says she’s game for a sequel. And Kurtzman is already eyeing more opportunities for TV movies, including a possible follow-up to “Picard.” The franchise’s gung-ho sojourn into streaming movies, however, stands in awkward contrast to the persistent difficulty Paramount Pictures and Abrams’ production company Bad Robot have had making a feature film following 2016’s “Star Trek Beyond” — the longest theaters have gone without a “Star Trek” movie since Paramount started making them.

First, a movie reuniting Pine’s Capt. Kirk with his late father — played in the 2009 “Star Trek” by Chris Hemsworth — fell apart in 2018. Around the same time, Quentin Tarantino publicly flirted with, then walked away from, directing a “Star Trek” movie with a 1930s gangster backdrop. Noah Hawley was well into preproduction on a “Star Trek” movie with a brand-new cast, until then-studio chief Emma Watts abruptly shelved it in 2020. And four months after Abrams announced at Paramount’s 2022 shareholders meeting that his 2009 cast would return for a movie directed by Matt Shakman (“WandaVision”), Shakman left the project to make “The Fantastic Four” for Marvel. (It probably didn’t help that none of the cast had been approached before Abrams made his announcement.)

The studio still intends to make what it’s dubbed the “final chapter” for the Pine-Quinto-Saldaña cast, and Steve Yockey (“The Flight Attendant”) is writing a new draft of the script. Even further along is another prospective “Star Trek” film written by Seth Grahame-Smith (“Abraham Lincoln: Vampire Hunter”) and to be directed by Toby Haynes (“Andor,” “Black Mirror: USS Callister”) that studio insiders say is on track to start preproduction by the end of the year. That project will serve as an origin story of sorts for the main timeline of the entire franchise. In both cases, the studio is said to be focused on rightsizing the budgets to fit within the clear box office ceiling for “Star Trek” feature films.

Far from complaining, everyone seems to relish the challenge. Visual effects supervisor Jason Zimmerman says that “working with Alex, the references are always at least $100 million movies, if not more, so we just kind of reverse engineer how do we do that without having to spend the same amount of money and time.”

The workload doesn’t seem to faze him either. “Visual effects people are a big, big ‘Star Trek’ fandom,” he says. “You naturally just get all these people who go a little bit above and beyond, and you can’t trade that for anything.”

In one of Kurtzman’s several production offices in Toronto, he and production designer Matthew Davies are scrutinizing a series of concept drawings for the newest “Star Trek” show, “Starfleet Academy.” A bit earlier, they showed me their plans for the series’ central academic atrium, a sprawling, two-story structure that will include a mess hall, amphitheater, trees, catwalks, multiple classrooms and a striking view of the Golden Gate Bridge in a single, contiguous space. To fit it all, they plan to use every inch of Pinewood Toronto’s 45,900 square foot soundstage, the largest in Canada.

But this is a “Star Trek” show, so there do need to be starships, and Kurtzman is discussing with Davies about how one of them should look. The issue is that “Starfleet Academy” is set in the 32nd century, an era so far into the future Kurtzman and his team need to invent much of its design language.

“For me, this design is almost too Klingon,” Kurtzman says. “I want to see the outline and instinctively, on a blink, recognize it as a Federation ship.”

The time period was first introduced on Season 3 of “Discovery,” when the lead character, Michael Burnham (Sonequa Martin-Green), transported the namesake starship and its crew there from the 23rd century. “It was exciting, because every time we would make a decision, we would say, ‘And now that’s canon,’” says Martin-Green.

“We listened to a lot of it,” Kurtzman says. “I think I’ve been able to separate the toxic fandom from really true fans who love ‘Star Trek’ and want you to hear what they have to say about what they would like to see.”

By Season 2, the “Discovery” writers pivoted from its dour, war-torn first season and sent the show on its trajectory 900-plus years into the future. “We had to be very aware of making sure that Spock was in the right place and that Burnham’s existence was explained properly, because she was never mentioned in the original series,” says executive producer and showrunner Michelle Paradise. “What was fun about jumping into the future is that it was very much fresh snow.”

That freedom affords “Starfleet Academy” far more creative latitude while also dramatically reducing how much the show’s target audience of tweens and teens needs to know about “Star Trek” before watching — which puts them on the same footing as the students depicted in the show. “These are kids who’ve never had a red alert before,” Noga Landau, executive producer and co-showrunner, says. “They never had to operate a transporter or be in a phaser fight.”

In the “Starfleet Academy” writers’ room in Secret Hideout’s Santa Monica offices, Kurtzman tells the staff — a mix of “Star Trek” die-hards, part-time fans and total newbies — that he wants to take a 30,000-foot view for a moment. “I think we need to ground in science more throughout the show,” he says, a giant framed photograph of Spock ears just over his shoulder. “The kids need to use science more to solve problems.”

Immediately, one of the writers brightens. “Are you saying we can amp up the techno-babble?” she says. “I’m just excited I get to use my computer science degree.”

After they break for lunch, Kurtzman is asked how much longer he plans to keep making “Star Trek.” 

“The minute I fall out of love with it is the minute that it’s not for me anymore. I’m not there yet,” he says. “To be able to build in this universe to tell stories that are fundamentally about optimism and a better future at a time when the world seems to be falling apart — it’s a really powerful place to live every day.”

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Go On a Tour of One of the Greatest Sets in Star Trek History

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What’s the most important set on a Star Trek show? Depending on the series, it might differ—for the most part, it’s going to be the bridge of a starship . But “the bridge of a starship” isn’t really the answer to that question: it’s the place that feels most like home . And while it’s definitely not a starship, Deep Space Nine ’s promenade is exactly that, perhaps more than any other iconic locale in the franchise.

Today as part of a series of updates to its virtual tour offerings on the Apple Vision Pro, the Roddenberry Archive and OTOY announced a raft of new virtual reality set tours , taking fans inside the world of Star Trek. To celebrate this week’s return of Star Trek: Discovery , the bridge of the legendary vessel is now available for virtual visitation, as are the first virtual tours inside the fleets of the Klingon Empire —specifically the I.K.S. Amar, the K’t’inga battle cruiser from the opening of The Motion Picture. But perhaps the most fascinating addition is a further exploration of Deep Space Nine’s titular station, and the most important place of all among its rings and pylons : the thoroughfare of the Promenade.

The Promenade was already part of the archive, but now audiences can explore further aspects of the set—one of the biggest ever built for Star Trek, the biggest outright at the time of filming—but the real highlight is a new, accompanying documentary about the design history of the set and its legacy, narrated by the perfect tour guide for such a locale: Armin Shimmerman, the man behind the lobes of the Promenade’s premiere businessman, Quark.

It’s a great little piece, looking at the set’s design process, how its scale was captured on screen, as well as Shimmerman relishing in giving little in-universe guides to everything that the Promenade had to offer. It’s a reminder of not just what an impressive set it was, but how its design language informed the very heart of what Deep Space Nine was doing with Star Trek. In the Promenade, we have a primary set that is unlike anything we’ve ever seen on the show before: this is not Federation design, or Starfleet ship corridors, but the brutalist angles of Cardassian aesthetic clashing with the pops of color from the flags hung by the Bajorans and other alien cultures steadily in the process of reclaiming what was once a grim shadow over the oppressions of Bajor. Few Star Trek sets are exactly comforting, but this heady mix of sharp angles and cool metallics against the vibrancy of shop lights and flags brings the Promenade a sense of homeliness that few other regular Trek sets could match.

But one thing this tour can’t capture about the Promenade that made it so compelling in the first place is the people milling about the place: the life that made it feel like home more than anything else. Sure, every Trek set has had some flavor of walk and talk on it before, the bustle of crew milling about and looking at monitors, but the Promenade was life itself made manifest. The culture clash of the design language was echoed in the people —so many people, more people than we would often see in one place on Trek outside of big crowd sequences or social hubs like canteens and bars. You had Starfleet crew, sticking out in their black and division-colored uniforms, you had the browns and beiges of Odo and his local security officers, you had Bajoran priests, you had civilians of all species and stripes, from visitors passing through to vendors hocking food and trinkets—and, of course, the myriad patrons of myriad scruples flocking in and out of Quark’s bar. The Promenade was defined by background vibrancy, a social and communal space that was far more important to Deep Space Nine than the cramped battle bridge of the Defiant, or the command crew’s home in operations.

That life made the Promenade sing—sometimes literally, in the case of the Klingon restaurateur playing his accordion and roaring traditional Klingon ballads at diners—and it made it the heart of Deep Space Nine, a sacred space for the viewer that the show could then violate at a moment’s notice to amplify any given threat. The Promenade has been home to firefights, assassination attempts, it’s been besieged , it’s been captured by our heroes’ worst enemies, but it’s also a place of love, adventure, and fun, the sight of some of the best moments in the entirety of DS9. It is, after all, where the show’s heart is—and that is where home resides.

Want more io9 news? Check out when to expect the latest Marvel , Star Wars , and Star Trek releases, what’s next for the DC Universe on film and TV , and everything you need to know about the future of Doctor Who .

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