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Clubworld Travel has been creating dream holidays for over 30 years. If you’re searching for a romantic getaway, honeymoon, cruise, a business trip or you just want a fabulous family holiday, we’re here to make your trip easy and memorable.

Our expert, multi-award-winning team will ensure your holiday is exactly what you want, providing in-depth travel knowledge, personal recommendations and the best possible price. 

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Monday: 09:00am - 18:00pm

Tuesday: 09:00am - 18:00pm

Wednesday: 09:00am - 21:00pm

Thursday: 09:00am - 21:00pm

Friday: 09:00am - 21:00pm

Saturday: 09:00am - 18:00pm

Sunday: 10:00am - 18:00pm

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Clubworld Travel is one of Northern Ireland’s best known, and successful independent Travel Agencies. When you book with Clubworld you can relax in the knowledge that your travel arrangements are being professionally managed by a multi-award winning team of experts, with a wealth of specialised knowledge and first hand experierence in all aspects of the Travel Industry.We al ways offer our clients the best possible value for money and a standard of service that is second to none. For your further convenience our on line booking service enables you to book city breaks, car rental, and travel insurance, from the comfort of your own home. We hope you enjoy browsing this website, and look forward to speaking to you soon.Delia Mary Aston T/A Clubworld Travel is an appointed representative of ITC Compliance Ltd which is authorised and regulated by the Financial Conduct Authority

Drumalane Mill, The Quays, Albert Basin, Newry BT35 8QS

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Two New Staff Appointments at Clubworld Travel

Clubworld Travel have announced two new senior staff appointments - Claire Mulligan takes up her new position as General Manager while David Taylor steps into the role of Operations Manager

Claire has been with Clubworld for 22 years, the last 15 of which have been as Manager of their Lurgan head office. Her new position as General Manager will see her assume responsibility for all seven offices with a further brief for growth and company development.

Claire said: “Clubworld has been my whole working life and I’m really looking forward to the challenges and possibilities this new role presents.”

David has worked in the NI Travel industry for more than 30 years and brings a wealth of invaluable experience and knowledge to his new role.

He will be responsible to improve operational efficiency and service provision in all aspects of Clubworld’s activities.

David said: “I’m delighted to be joining the Clubworld team and hope that my new role will add value and success to the company.”

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Based over three offices, Lurgan, Portadown and Craigavon, our expert team have extensive experience across the world of travel, meaning you get the best holiday, at the best price possible.

All our branches are registered members of the Association of British Travel Agents (ABTA) and the International Air Travel Association (IATA), giving you peace of mind that your holiday is protected.

Terra Travel is an established brand in the travel industry, so for your next trip, give the team a call and let them take care of everything.

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Ireland plans to send asylum seekers back to UK under emergency law

Taoiseach wants to reduce arrivals through Northern Ireland amid concern that Sunak’s Rwanda plan is driving people to Ireland

Ireland and Britain are on a collision course over asylum seekers, with Dublin vowing to send arrivals to Ireland back to the UK and London insisting it will not accept any.

A diplomatic row erupted on Sunday after the taoiseach, Simon Harris, asked the justice minister, Helen McEntee, to bring proposals to cabinet next week to allow the return of inadmissible international protection applicants to the UK, amid concern that Rishi Sunak’s Rwanda plan was rerouting asylum seekers from Britain.

“This country will not in any way, shape or form provide a loophole for anybody else’s migration challenges,” Harris said on Sunday. “Other countries can decide how they wish to advance migration. From an Irish perspective, we intend to have a firm rules-based system where rules are in place, where rules are in force, where rules are seen to be enforced.”

The planned legislation follows a claim by Sunak that the Conservative party’s deterrence was working, and after it emerged that 80% of recent asylum seekers to Ireland came via the land border with Northern Ireland.

A UK government source said it would not accept any asylum seekers from Ireland without a wider deal with Brussels. “We won’t accept any asylum returns from the EU via Ireland until the EU accepts that we can send them back to France. We are fully focused on operationalising our Rwanda scheme and will continue working with the French to stop the boats from crossing the channel.”

Ireland had previously designated the UK a “safe third country” to which asylum seekers could be returned but last month the Irish high court ruled that this breached EU law, impeding further returns.

McEntee said she would shore up Ireland’s controls and discuss the return of refugees with James Cleverly and other British officials during a visit to London on Monday.

“That’s why I’m introducing fast processing, that’s why I’ll have emergency legislation at cabinet this week to make sure that we can effectively return people to the UK and that’s why I’ll be meeting with the home secretary to raise these issues on Monday,” she told RTÉ.

In an interview with Sky News on Sunday, Sunak said the Rwanda legislation signed into law last week was already having an impact because people were worried about coming to the UK.

“Illegal migration is a global challenge, which is why you’re seeing multiple countries talk about doing third-country partnerships, looking at novel ways to solve this problem, and I believe will follow where the UK has led.”

Last week, a protest in County Wicklow over proposed refugee accommodation led to violent clashes with police who used shields and sprays and arrested six people. Police said rocks and other missiles were thrown and they recovered an axe.

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There have been protests and arson attacks on proposed refugee accommodation centres and demonstrations outside ministers’ homes, fuelling anxiety over far-right agitation.

At a speech in County Monaghan the taoiseach said warning signs around the abuse of public figures should be taken seriously. “We have had too many warnings and we need to take them seriously before the unthinkable happens.”

Ireland has taken in more than 100,000 refugees, about three-quarters from Ukraine. There is an acute housing crisis that has driven up rents and homelessness and fuelled anti-immigrant sentiment. A riot last November wrecked parts of central Dublin.

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UK will not accept return of asylum seekers from Ireland, Rishi Sunak says

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Ireland ‘reaping what it has sown’ over Brexit with influx of migrants

T he influx of migrants crossing into Ireland from the UK is because Dublin is “reaping what it sowed” in the Brexit negotiations, a leading unionist has said.

Micheál Martin, Ireland’s deputy prime minister, has blamed the Rwanda plan for an increase in asylum seekers entering his country from Northern Ireland.

Dublin believes that more than 80 per cent of asylum seekers in Ireland have crossed the open border .

Jim Allister, the leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice party, said it was not the Rwanda plan but Ireland’s insistence on keeping the border open after Brexit that was to blame.

“You reap what you sow. The Republic of Ireland insisted there wouldn’t even be a camera allowed on the international frontier and now they lament the consequences of the open border they demanded,” he told The Telegraph.

“It’s hard to find sympathy for those so driven by their all-Ireland agenda and poking the British over Brexit that they insisted on the very thing now swamping them with immigrants.”

Mr Martin, speaking in Amman, Jordan, on Wednesday, said: “I believe the Rwanda effect is impacting on Ireland.

“I don’t think anyone’s gone to Rwanda yet, but to me it’s reflective of a policy,” he said. “But it is having real impact on Ireland now in terms of people being fearful in the UK – maybe that’s the impact it was designed to have.”

Brexit deal tensions

Tensions over immigration have risen in Ireland amid an increase in migrant numbers and a housing crisis. On Thursday, police arrested six people after officers came under attack by protesters at a site earmarked for asylum seekers in Newtown Mount Kennedy, Co Wicklow.

Mr Allister is a fierce opponent of Rishi Sunak’s Brexit deal for Northern Ireland, which he says puts the region’s place in the UK at risk.

The Windsor Framework kept the land border with the Republic of Ireland open after Brexit but at the price of introducing an Irish Sea border between Britain and Northern Ireland.

Dublin and Brussels insisted on the deal to prevent a post-Brexit hard land border on the island of Ireland, in the negotiations to take the UK out of the EU.

Ireland said the return of border infrastructure would put the peace process at risk and that a Brexit treaty was necessary to protect its place in the EU’s Single Market.

Northern Ireland continues to follow hundreds of EU rules under the agreement, which also gives it lucrative dual access to both the UK and EU markets.

Power-sharing was restored in Northern Ireland after negotiations ended a two-year boycott of Stormont by the DUP over the Irish Sea border.

Hard-line unionists, including the TUV, which has formed an election alliance with Reform UK, fear the deal is a precursor to an attempt to unify Ireland. Sinn Fein has called for a reunification referendum by 2030.

Lord Dodds, the DUP peer, said: “The complaints from Irish politicians ring hollow. At every point in the Brexit drama they never hesitated  to  advance their own interests at the expense of relations with unionists and the UK. Now in true Dublin style they blame others for the consequences of policies they pursued.

“Dublin has been vociferous in advocating a totally open border and has even castigated UK efforts to introduce new travel visa requirements for non Irish citizens wanting to travel from the republic into the UK through N Ireland,” he added, referring to British plans to require a permit from non-Ireland residents.”

Baroness Hoey said: “The Republic of Ireland is a foreign country. It’s a bit rich for them to be complaining about something when they themselves have been the country that has refused to accept that there is a frontier with the United Kingdom and their independent country.

“British taxpayers are paying for the EU single market to be protected. We’re spending all this money and putting up border posts in our own country to protect their Single market, which of course also ultimately is also affecting trade between GB and Northern Ireland,” The Brexiteer peer, who is from Northern Ireland, said.

She added, “Chickens come home to roost, as they say.”

Ireland and the UK are also part of a Common Travel Area that predates both countries’ EU membership.

On March 22, the Irish High Court said a decision by the justice minister to designate the UK as a “safe country” after Brexit was unlawful. It said she exceeded her powers.

Legislation is in the works to remedy this but in the meantime Ireland cannot use a refugee returns deal with the UK.

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The Border ‘back door’: why are so many migrants crossing into the State from Northern Ireland?

The perception of a leaky border comes against a backdrop of simmering tensions and mounting political pressure on migration.

A protest at the International Protection Office on Mount Street Lower, Dublin, recently. Photograph: Tom Honan

“Rwanda threat is pouring migrants into Ireland,” screamed the headline on the front page of Friday’s Daily Telegraph.

Leaning on quotes from Tánaiste Micheál Martin, the Tory-leaning British broadsheet picked up on the surprising statistic disclosed by the Irish Government this week that 80 per cent of recent asylum seekers arriving into the State had crossed over the Border from Northern Ireland.

The newspaper jumped on Martin’s linking the influx to the UK government’s controversial policy of threatening to deport migrants to the central African nation of Rwanda, a policy that was passed by Westminster on Tuesday.

“Maybe that’s the impact it was designed to have,” Martin was quoted by the Telegraph as saying.

Does the data back up McEntee’s claim that 80% of asylum applicants come from North?

Emergency law set to be approved to transfer asylum applicants back to UK

Tánaiste says claim that over 80% of asylum seekers come from UK via Northern Ireland is not based on data

[  New laws needed to deal with asylum seekers arriving into State from North, says Taoiseach  ]

The report gave voice to concerns about an open border into the Republic and the impact of a contentious immigration policy in a neighbouring country and the movement of migrants into this one.

“Irish people like a degree of common sense,” Taoiseach Simon Harris told the Oireachtas finance committee on Wednesday. “It is important in the weeks and months ahead to show the people of this country that we have a rules-based migration system.”

Harris was speaking the day after his Minister for Justice Helen McEntee put in a patchy performance at the Oireachtas justice committee, which gave rise to several key moments.

She was unable to give a clear answer to Independent TD Michael McNamara over why asylum seekers had not been returned to countries willing to accept them, and then made the stark assertion that formed the basis of the Telegraph’s story three days later: more than 80 per cent of people seeking asylum in the State are believed to be coming across the Border.

Voters who apparently want to believe that the system is rules-based and common sense may have been left scratching their heads. The idea of a leaky Border back door – or of a system that is not fast enough or efficient in dealing with failed applications – is anathema to the prevailing political winds on immigration.

The Daily Telegraph's front page on Friday, April 26th

McEntee had given an otherwise confident defence of Ireland’s decision to opt in to the EU’s migration and asylum pact over three hours before the committee.

But colleagues at Cabinet now see her moving centre stage as the debate on migration spreads beyond accommodation.

“The politics has moved to Justice and away from [Minister for Integration] Roderic [O’Gorman],” says one Minister, with McEntee now facing the prospect of being the political fulcrum.

With 100,000 refugees and asylum seekers now in State-provided housing, there is a new emphasis on the Border – how people move into the country, and what happens afterwards.

It comes against a backdrop of simmering tensions on migration that boil over with increasing frequency. Pressure on the migration is now unprecedented.

The belief that a huge percentage of people are coming across the Border has been discussed in senior Government circles for some weeks now

The 80 per cent figure is not a hard data point. After McEntee’s assertion, even officials on the British side were grasping around trying to figure out what it was based on.

Asked for comment, the British embassy issued a fairly terse one-line statement, saying there remained a high level of co-operation on migration, asylum and border security between the UK and Ireland.

The figure is in fact an extrapolation from the percentage of people who claim asylum at the International Protection office on Mount Street, Dublin, which has shot up in recent months, rather than at a port of entry. It is a sort of proxy measurement, based on the strong view among officials in the Department of Justice that the overwhelming majority claiming asylum in Mount Street can only be coming across the Border.

Department of Justice figures suggest 5,161 applications had been made to the end of March, meaning more than 4,100 were made at Mount Street, with the overwhelming majority supposedly coming from Northern Ireland. Given the Border is open, one official said: “We will never have accurate numbers.”

The belief that a huge percentage of people are coming across the Border has been discussed in senior Government circles for some weeks now. However, getting a firm answer on what is driving it is difficult.

A Government source working in the area says the assumption is that many who are presenting – many of whom are Nigerians – had some sort of status in Britain, whether a visa or asylum.

The prospect of the UK’s Rwanda policy – where asylum seekers are flown to the east African country while being processed – coming into effect is another.

A third source says officials have speculated that changes to family reunification rules in the UK for lower-skilled migrant workers could be encouraging family members to come here and travel back to Britain.

Another suggestion is simply that with asylum seekers travelling to the UK in huge numbers, a small percentage of that is going to trickle across to Ireland.

Others believe that word-of-mouth effects spread quickly and there may be some theory about Ireland or its system behind the rise, or that bad actors – people smugglers and organised crime gangs – may be engineering passage to Ireland across the Border.

The truth is probably that all of the above, and other factors, form a potent cocktail.

Security sources say – in a view mirrored in political circles – that part of the reason is the effectiveness of Garda operations overseas, checking documents at embarkation at key airports. The feeling is this has forced people away from airports and airlines to an extent, but given the scale of migratory pressures, that flow is merely dispersed elsewhere. This presents a different problem.

Gardaí can inspect trains and buses, but the length of the Border and sheer number of crossing points – an argument emphasised by the Irish side during clashes over Brexit – stack the odds against them.

“The airport piece is actually easier than the North-South piece,” says one security source.

[  Visa-free travel from South Africa may end under immigration plan  ]

Similarly, as pressure begins to mount over the number of people the state actually deports, the gardaí will point to the challenge of actually locating people who have been in the State for many years if, as some expect, the political system begins to demand more action on this front.

The hard political truth, however, is that the Coalition must now be seen to be doing something about it.

“We have a serious systems failure around processing times and upholding the rules as we have them,” says a Cabinet source, criticising the Department of Justice for being “completely hands off”, failing to develop capacity or structures over years and appearing “overwhelmed, ineffective and inefficient”.

Since the elevation of Harris as Taoiseach, Government rhetoric on immigration has shifted away from the perennial problem of accommodation, and towards firmer measures that might reduce the flow into the State – in keeping with an emphasis Harris had when he was in the Department of Justice.

'Common sense': Taoiseach Simon Harris has flagged a change in official attitudes to migration. Photograph: Sam Boal/Collins

The Taoiseach said as much on Thursday, emphasising that the accommodation situation “is an outworking of our migration policy”. This chimes with the “back to basics” and “common sense” threads to Harris’s nascent premiership.

Consistent with his style, there has been a steady drumbeat of policy announcements or flagged interventions. These include further countries being added to the “safe country” list for accelerated processing; new legislation to “fix” the current situation where people coming from the UK cannot be immediately returned due to an Irish High Court ruling that the UK cannot be designated a safe third country; the inclusion of countries (Nigeria, in the first instance) with high numbers of asylum seekers for faster processing alongside safe country applicants; a mooted suspension of visa-free travel from South Africa – something that is said to have been on Harris’s to-do list in Justice but that languished since.

Sources in Government Buildings say to expect more announcements in the coming weeks, a focus on trying new things, on pace and on new deterrent measures.

And yet, for all the urgency and dizzying ambition, room for manoeuvre is limited.

Overhauling something as complex as immigration policy is difficult to do quickly, and Harris has 11 months at most until the next general election.

[  More than 80% of asylum applicants now coming from UK via Northern Ireland, says McEntee  ]

The migratory trends seem tidal, and continues despite changes on the ground. Fewer single men and more families are coming since the State ran out of capacity to house all who arrive, but the overall number is shooting up.

Similarly, the department has made significant strides in improving decision times on applications and appeals – something seen as key to suppressing numbers arriving from certain jurisdictions – but overall the trend line still reaches skyward.

McEntee indicated last week that returns to the UK could resume after a relatively quick legislative fix – but if the Rwanda policy comes into full effect, would the Irish courts stand over sending people back? Could the Government?

The relentless pace of the migration story shows no signs of yielding. Quite the opposite.

On Thursday night, gardaí clashed with protesters in Harris’s Wicklow constituency. Next week the Oireachtas justice committee will embark on expanded hearings into the migration pact. With Dáil and Seanad motions on the opt-in shifted back a week, the Rural Independents have put down a motion objecting to the pact, heralding more news cycles and scrutiny, which the Government, in its defence, says it welcomes.

On Monday, McEntee will meet her British counterpart James Cleverly, with Harris promising closer co-operation between the Garda and the Police Service of Northern Ireland and the two governments. Against the backdrop of a rapidly shifting challenge – and McEntee’s comments – they will have much to discuss.

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