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Urban Tourism in the Global South pp 1–37 Cite as

The Other Half of Urban Tourism: Research Directions in the Global South

• Christian M. Rogerson 4 &
• Jayne M. Rogerson 4  
• First Online: 14 July 2021

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7 Citations

Part of the book series: GeoJournal Library ((URPGS))

In mainstream urban tourism scholarship debates there is only limited attention given to the urban global South. The ‘other half’ of urban tourism is the axis in this review and analysis. Arguably, in light of the changing global patterns of urbanization and of the shifting geography of leading destinations for urban tourism greater attention is justified towards urban settlements in the global South. The analysis discloses the appearance of an increasingly vibrant scholarship about urban tourism in the setting of the global South. In respect of sizes of urban settlement it is unsurprising that the greatest amount of attention has been paid to mega-cities and large urban centres with far less attention so far given to tourism occurring either in intermediate centres or small towns. In a comparative assessment between scholarship on urban tourism in the global North versus South there are identifiable common themes and trends in writings about urban tourism, most especially in relation to the phenomenon of inter-urban competition, questions of sustainability and planning. Nevertheless, certain important differences can be isolated. In the urban global South the environment of low incomes and informality coalesce to provide for the greater significance of certain different forms of tourism to those which are high on the urban global North agenda. Three key issues are highlighted by this ‘state of the art’ overview, namely the significance of an informal sector of tourism, the distinctive characteristics of the discretionary mobilities of the poor, and the controversies surrounding slum tourism.

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In 2020 the World Bank introduced a new classification of countries: low-income, low-middle income, upper-middle income and high income. Macao SAR, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Qatar are classed as high income. As the focus of this book is South Africa, which the World Bank classifies as falling in the category of upper-middle income bracket, the high income urban destinations are viewed as Norths within the South and thus not included in our research overview of the global South.

This section builds upon and extends certain of the discussion presented in Rogerson and Saarinen ( 2018 ).

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With the aim of exchanging experiences in urban tourism management, tourism ministers and representatives from throughout the world met in Madrid on 10 May. The event was organized by the World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), the Spanish Ministry of Energy, Tourism and the Digital Agenda, and the City Council of Madrid. 

Luis Cueto, Coordinator of the City Council of Madrid; Matilde Asían, Secretary of State for Tourism; David Scowsill, President and CEO of the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC); and Taleb Rifai, Secretary-General of UNWTO, opened the session.

Luis Cueto, Coordinator of the Madrid City Council: “The impact of tourism relates to employment and diversification, and it is important to consider its returns for the societies of tourist destinations.”

The Secretary of State for Tourism, Matilde Asían, emphasized that sustainability, alongside accessibility, technology and innovation, represents one of the pillars of Spanish tourism policy, in line with the priorities established by UNWTO. Asían added that “the Ministry of Energy, Tourism and the Digital Agenda works to ensure that the wealth and employment generated by tourism are distributed throughout Spanish territory and during all seasons of the year, by promoting diversification and product innovation.”

David Scowsill, President and CEO of WWTC: “In 2008, 50% of the population was living in cities and almost half of all Travels are related to tourism; prioritizing the needs of tourists is therefore essential in urban planning. Part of the answers for the future challenges is the sharing economy that represents a huge opportunity for urban tourism.”

Taleb Rifai, Secretary-General of UNWTO: “Tourism is a transformative force that can change the world, and the International Year of Sustainable Tourism for development represents a unique opportunity to enhance strategies to strengthen the sector. A city is a magnet of attraction and the relationship between cities and tourism is of high importance”.

Tourism has become one of the most effective engines of economic activity, social life and geography in many cities, owing above all to the processes of urbanization. But it also presents challenges that need to be addressed, including how to manage tourism growth sustainably, so as not to diminish its potential.

Consistent with that theme, the discussions addressed how urban tourism relates to the five areas being highlighted by the International Year of Sustainable Tourism for Development: (1) inclusive and sustainable economic growth; (2) social inclusion, employment and poverty reduction; (3) energy efficiency, environmental protection and climate change; (4) cultural values, diversity and heritage; and (5) mutual understanding, peace and security.

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New cultures of urban tourism

International Journal of Tourism Cities

ISSN : 2056-5607

Article publication date: 3 December 2019

Issue publication date: 3 December 2019

Gravari-Barbas, M. , Jacquot, S. and Cominelli, F. (2019), "New cultures of urban tourism", International Journal of Tourism Cities , Vol. 5 No. 3, pp. 301-306. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-09-2019-160

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2019, International Tourism Studies Association

The end of tourism?

In 2017, the Copenhagen Tourism Bureau declared the “End of Tourism!”, adding “as we know it [1] ”. If, after more than two centuries of steady development, the “end of Tourism as we know it” is finally upon us, the main stage where its demise is being acted out is in our cities. Our cities were the backdrop to the first organized mass anti-tourism demonstrations ( Colomb and Novy, 2017 ). They have been the primary victims of “overtourism”, a subject extensively discussed in the tourism literature in recent years ( Popp, 2012 ; Seraphin et al. , 2018 ). City tourism has also been used as a lever for opening the debate on more global urban problems, such as insufficient affordable housing, galloping gentrification in central neighbourhoods ( Gravari-Barbas and Guinand, 2017 ) and changes in the urban fabric of local communities brought about by corporate development ( Sdino and Magoni, 2018 ; Sonntag et al. , 2018 ).

However, research has recently begun to look at cities not just as the main setting for the “end of tourism” but also as laboratories for “new tourism cultures” associated with novel practices and places ( Delaplace and Gravari-Barbas, 2016 ). These new cultures have emerged as a result of the visitor’s desire to go beyond the urban tourist enclave zones to experience the city “as a local”, to interact more with local communities, to experience off-the-beaten-track neighbourhoods, to be thrilled by “urban exploration” activities and to be amazed by ordinary, everyday life ( Maitland, 2013 ; Frisch et al. , 2019 ; Condevaux et al. , 2019 ).

While the classic models of mass tourism still prevail in most tourism cities, bringing increasing numbers of tourists into urban hotspots, the tourism literature has observed a paradigmatic change in terms both of tourism practices and provision and of local populations’ attitudes towards tourism ( Quinn, 2007 ).

This collection of five papers in the Special Issue (SI) on “new urban tourism cultures” sheds light on the changing patterns in urban tourism, focusing in particular on the multiple, complex transformations of tourism practices, stakeholders and places in our contemporary cities.

Most of the papers build on the existing literature examining the blurring of the boundaries between tourism and everyday life ( Urry, 1995 ), which challenges our traditional understanding of tourism. They examine, as a starting point, the former binary distinctions between home and away ( Hui, 2008 ), the ordinary and the extraordinary and the “hosts” and the “guests” ( Sherlock, 2001 ; Novy, 2018 ). Building on the existing research on “post-tourism” ( Feifer, 1985 ; Urry, 1995 ), “hyper tourism” ( Viard, 2000, 2006 ), “trans-tourism” ( Ateljevic, 2009 ; Bourdeau, 2018 ) and “new tourism” (Poon, 1989, 1994), tourism is highlighted as a multifaceted and pervasive phenomenon that lost its specificity over the last decades of the twentieth century. Based on original case studies from a wide range of cities (Athens, Belgrade, Detroit, London, Los Angeles, Marseille and Paris), the authors offer a spherical analysis of the new urban tourism cultures and contribute to extending discussions both on the transformations in tourism in contemporary cities and on the changing patterns of cities due to contemporary forms of tourism.

From tourism’s “velvet revolution” to urban tourism disruptions

A “velvet revolution” in tourism began to emerge at the end of the twentieth century. This was due, on the one hand, to the desires and expectations of “mature” tourists and, on the other, to the responsiveness of local tourism systems. These “mature” tourists, whose tourism consumption patterns could be explained by their habitus ( Ahmad, 2014 ), had accumulated significant tourism capital through their numerous travels and their capacity to adapt and to feel “at home” in the different contexts they visited ( Maitland, 2010 ). Local tourism systems adapted to the demand from this new tourist group. This led to the development of a plethora of new tourism offers over the last few decades, inviting visitors to experience the city in much more segmented, differentiated and plural ways than just the usual tour of the main tourist sights ( Maitland and Newman, 2004 ; Gravari-Barbas and Delaplace, 2015 ). The conjunction of the evolutions in both supply and demand ( Ionnides and Debbage, 1998 ) contributed to opening up, expanding and diversifying the urban tourist ecumene. While it may have been the tourists who pioneered the expansion of the urban tourism frontiers, the tourism sector demonstrated an unprecedented responsiveness and adapted accordingly, rapidly transforming tourists’ romantic expectations of local life and authentic neighbourhoods into exclusive tourism products.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, tourism visits to places formerly considered inhospitable, dirty or dangerous (such as favelas and slums, metropolitan suburbs, former industrial sites, urban ruins and urban undergrounds) or simply “ordinary” and everyday became commonplace ( Maitland, 2010 ). The tourist gaze ( Urry, 1990 ) has figured in the aestheticization ( Featherstone, 1991/1997 ) or heritagization of ordinary places ( Condevaux et al. , 2019 ). It has even contributed to overcoming the associated “geographical stigma” ( Goffman, 1963 ) of sites with a difficult or traumatic heritage and to transforming them into destinations offering fun, excitement, aesthetic pleasure or affective attachment.

The new urban tourism cultures that have emerged from this evolution can be summarized in the following triptych: new “post-tourists” attitudes (stakeholders, ironic and conscious) ( Bourdeau, 2018 ), “new urban tourism territories” ( Gravari-Barbas and Delaplace, 2015 , p. 2, translated from French) and new stakeholders (associations and civil society) (Loisy, 2019). While the “velvet revolution” in tourism has brought new tourism cultures, it also paved the way for the tourism disruptions experienced, mainly in the 2010s, in tourist cities. “Disruption” (defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as a “disturbance or problems which interrupt an event, activity or process”) has become a keyword in the interpretations of urban tourism transformations in recent years.

This disruption has been due to a number of different innovations, including the development of e-tourism and the spread of internet use in the travel sector ( Buhalis and O’Connor, 2005 ; Cousin et al. , 2017 ) and the development of new types of intermediaries such as collaborative platforms ( Dredge and Gyimóthy, 2015 ; O’Regan and Choe, 2017 ). These innovations have often resulted in conflict. In a number of tourism cities, the onslaught of new actors (such as tourism rental platforms) and the related disintermediation between tourists and the product they wish to consume (which, to a large extent, they are increasingly producing themselves) has exacerbated tourism conflicts and tensions ( Gurran and Phibbs, 2017 ). The blurring of the boundaries between touristic and everyday places has exposed particularly vulnerable places and neighbourhoods to tourism ( Mermet, 2015 ). Not all contemporary tourist cities can draw on the experience of established tourism metropolises such as Paris or London, which manage to successfully integrate tourism (and tourism disruptions) into local governance tools and regulations. Hence, in cities new to tourism, “post-tourist” or “hyper-tourist” practices have had unforeseen consequences.

New urban tourism practices

“New urban tourism cultures” are often fed by tourists’ aspirations for more distinctive practices. New social media and the aestheticization of self ( Gretzel et al. , 2011 ; Munar and Jacobsen, 2014 ; Lyu, 2016 ) have contributed to the “heroic” depiction of the tourist–explorer who goes beyond the mass tourism sites. The “trophy” from their visits to these highly original and inaccessible places is a picture, instantly disseminated through the likes of Instagram or Facebook. A double-value relationship is thus produced. The off-the-beaten-track visit ( Gravari-Barbas and Delaplace, 2015 ) endorses the visitor’s “connoisseur” status, while the visitor contributes to elevating the visited place from its ordinary or marginal status to inclusion in the list of exclusive places that should be seen by their peers.

Pieroni and Naef coin the term “neo-slumming” in their examination of the touristification of gentrified sites and neighbourhoods. “Slumming” here refers to the social practice of visiting low-income, immigrant, deprived neighbourhoods, generally referred to as “slums”.

New urban tourism stakeholders

It would be unfair, however, to interpret the “new urban tourism cultures” as being solely down to voyeurism or to a game of distinction. There can also be altruistic or ethical values at play. Tourists may seek to experience a meaningful visit that has a positive effect on local urban societies, and local stakeholders may be encouraged to use these visits to convey socially or politically engaged messages. Visits proposed by local associations may also have an educational aim, as shown by Vergopoulos (2019) for tours led by local associations in Athens. These tours, which were introduced during the economic crisis that shook Greece to its core, emerged from an alternative conception of tourism. Practices such as urban walking, offered as a collective and shared urban experience ( Kanellopoulou, 2018 ), represent a shift from passive contemplation to social exchange and to tourism as an act of citizenship.

The “new urban tourism cultures” are often linked to non-mainstream or non-traditional stakeholders, such as local citizen associations, NGOs, student or neighbourhood organizations and immigrant groups. While these actors may not necessarily have a specific urban tourist agenda and may be using tourism for other means, usually to convey a political or social message, they do produce “niche” tourism products that offer an alternative and renewed tourism provision in cities. Hence, to a certain extent, change has come from “outsiders” (Nicic and Iguman, 2019).

The dual geographies of the new urban tourism cultures

The game of distinction, which in this case is based on the traveller–tourist opposition ( Urbain, 2002 ), tends to create a dual tourism geography. On the one hand, there are the usual tourist sightseeing spots that are visited by large numbers of tourists and, on the other, the niche sites and neighbourhoods visited by a “select” club of urban travellers. Although a new, alternative urban tourism map is being drawn up in most tourism cities, it has not superseded the more dominant, mainstream urban tourism geography. The emergence of alternative tourism hotspots has not quantitatively challenged visitor numbers to the usual sites. The number of “travellers” engaging with the social housing in Marseille (Hascoët, 2019), urban walks in Athens ( Kanellopoulou, 2018 ; Vergopoulos, 2019) and neo-slumming in Brixton (Pieroni and Naef, 2019) cannot compete with the number of “tourists” visiting the Vieux Port (Marseille), Plaka (Athens) or the Tower of London, respectively. As shown by Lucas (2019) for Los Angeles, central urban tourism districts, which are often limited to just a few blocks, still see the higher concentration of visitors as they capitalize on the delimitations set by tourism stakeholders, guides and practices.

However, while off-the-beaten-track tourism may be limited in quantitative terms, it both generates and is attracted by urban transformations. Pieroni and Naef (2019) show that the material and social-class transformation of an urban area tends to become itself the focus of tourism. However, in turn, tourism phenomena in touristically emerging areas bring social transformations, including in particular residential and commercial gentrification. Gravari-Barbas and Jacquot (2019) confirm for the case of Saint-Ouen flea market the dual relationship between gentrification and urban tourism. Commercial gentrification is a tourism resource, and tourism generates commercial gentrification.

SI authors’ contributions

The five papers in the SI on “New cultures of urban tourism” analyse the multiple changes underway in tourism in contemporary European and US cities and examine the main questions that these new tourism cultures raise. Based on extensive fieldwork in different European and non-European cities, the contributions identify the emergence of new actors in tourism – including some from civil society – as well as the interactions between visitors and inhabitants. From this perspective, Marine Loisy’s (2019) contribution examines Paris’s experience, highlighting issues related to cohabitation and hospitality in the French capital and the strategies and practices developed by residents, who in some cases adopt the role of tourists themselves. While the top-down policies of urban regeneration through tourism can make the citizens feel as if they are becoming a spectacle in an “urban safari”, bottom-up projects, although they produce more minor results and take longer, establish deep roots, develop new capabilities and ensure the benefits are more evenly distributed.

Any study of the interaction between visitors, tourism actors and inhabitants will be complemented by an analysis of how tourism deals with public space, especially in cities and places not necessarily originally designed for tourism and touristic activities. Within the context of the post-socialist transformations of Belgrade, Milos Nicic and Sanja Iguman (2019) examine the emergence of the “tourism of the ordinary” and the slow transformation of the “ordinary” places of New Belgrade by the tourism gaze and tourism practices. For these authors, “ordinary” is subjective and its interpretation depends on the attitudes of the people interacting with the space. The new tourism cultures also concern spaces traditionally excluded from tourism phenomena and often associated with “geographical stigma”. Urban exploration practices (urbex) expand the frontiers of tourism. Based on case studies of urbex in Berlin and Detroit, Aude Le Gallou (2018) shows that the touristic appropriation of underground and alternative places can become a commodified tourism activity.

While new tourism cultures and practices can lead to the commodification of places and activities previously excluded from the tourism market system, their dynamic can also contribute to improving the quality of life in these neighbourhoods and cities. Pieroni and Naef (2019) study various cities from a multisite perspective to identify the relationship between neo-slumming, gentrification and new urban tourism resources.

Finally, the contributions of Yannick Hascoët (2019) seeks to define new theoretical frameworks for examining these transformations. Through an analysis of contemporary tourism practices in Marseille’s reputedly inhospitable and “difficult” northern district, Yannick Hascoët expands our conception of post-tourism and further develops the framework proposed by Bourdeau (2018) .

Overall, a cross-analysis of the five papers in the SI “New cultures of urban tourism” shows that we have reached a threshold in terms of our scientific understanding of urban tourism in contemporary western metropolises. While the “classic” patterns of urban tourism continue to characterize the bulk of tourists heading for the “urban sights”, these new urban practices and emerging civil society actors and this enthusiasm for “ordinary” spaces all dramatically challenge the contemporary urban tourism system and call for new theoretical frameworks. We hope that the SI “New cultures of urban tourism” will significantly contribute to an exploration of these new tourism offers in contemporary cities.

As presented on their website (2019): http://localhood.wonderfulcopenhagen.dk/

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Sharpley , R. and Stone , P.R. ( 2009 ), The Darker Side of Travel: The Theory and Practice of Dark Tourism , Channel View , Clevedon .

Acknowledgements

This paper forms part of a special section “New cultures of urban tourism”.

About the authors

Maria Gravari-Barbas is based at the IREST, Universite Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne, Paris, France.

Sébastien Jacquot is based at the IREST, Universite Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne, Paris, France.

Francesca Cominelli is based at the IREST, Universite Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne, Paris, France.

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What Begins at the End of Urban Tourism, As We Know It?

This is part of our special feature,  Contemporary Urban Research in the European City.

Amidst the “overtourism” debate going on in Europe, one question pops up routinely. Namely, how much tourism do cities bear? This issue is a thought-provoking starting point to reconsider the interrelation of tourism and the city beyond the container-like idea of cities as destinations. Drawing on two examples from Berlin, this piece reflects upon tourism not as an isolated activity but as contested momentum co-producing urban places. The distinct controversies related to tourism at Checkpoint Charlie (a must see) and the Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg (an off-the-beaten track sight) prompt to frame these places as unbounded and continuously remade. Conceptually approaching tourism “beyond binaries,” it is exemplified that ideas of fixed container-like tourist places (sights), mutually exclusive doings (consumption/production) and distinct types of people (tourists/locals) fall short. It rather seems to be revealing to deepen research on urban tourist places as co-performed socio-material hybrids emerging where trans-/local processes intersect. This means, for instance, to further elaborate on, firstly, the interplay of visitors and materiality at tourist places and, secondly, the sociality to be found there. As a result of this, tourism appears not as something external, which is getting too much (“overtourism”), but as constituent of cities.

Approaching urban tourism beyond dichotomous categories

How much tourism do cities bear? Questioning the tourism capacities of cities implies a misleading understanding of the interrelation of tourism and the city. Cities appear as containers that impound only a certain amount of what destination managers often call “incoming tourism.” The idea of cities as destinations inhabited by locals and visited by visitors represents seems to be outdated. However, it represents a persistent figure of thought, albeit a quite simplifying one. The destination appears as place where visitors are tourists because they are away from home ; where hosts encounter guests who consume what locals produce .

To be sure, such binary readings of tourism phenomena are already questioned in the sociology of tourism and in tourism studies (Hannam 2009). This is due to the “mobilities turn” in social sciences, which influenced tourism studies crucially (Rickly/Hannam et al. 2017: 1). Especially, the “new mobilities paradigm” (Sheller/Urry 2006) offered a dedicated perspective “to look at social phenomena [like tourism] through the lens of movement” (Salazar 2017: 248). This perspective frames tourist places as unbounded and hybrid. There are “diverse mobilities and proximities, flows of anticipations, performances, and memory as well as extensive social-material networks stabilizing the sedimentated practices that make tourist places” (Bærenholdt et al. 2004: 2). The latter reading of tourist places transgresses clear-cut and mutually exclusive categories used to describe destinations or sights as geographically fixed entities, where certain types of people (e.g. locals/tourists) are involved in a distinct manner (e.g. produce/consume). These conceptual considerations not least find terminological expression. There exist some telling notions, which reflect the aim to approach tourist places and practices in a more holistic way. Tourist places are framed as “host-guest-time-space-cultures” (Sheller/Urry 2004: 6); the notion of “city users” (Costa/Martinotti 2003: 60) was introduced to term temporary urban populations constituted by a broad range of visitors (e.g. expats, business travelers, interns and students) or, referring to Toffler, tourists are approached as “ prosuming creative urban areas” (Pappalepore et al. 2014: 227, emphasis added).

Referring to this conceptual teaser, urban tourism phenomena seem to highlight how binary categories lose explanatory grip. A brief look at “VFR-Tourism” ( V isiting F riends and R elatives) [1] and “New Urban Tourism” exemplifies how binaries like extraordinary tourism vs. everyday life , host vs. guest , leisure vs. tourism or production vs. consumption blur.

It would fall short to frame “VFR-Tourism” solely as extraordinary escape from everyday life (Larsen 2008). Surely, the breakfast shared with the relatives/friends visited may be more sumptuous. However, socializing (pleasantly) with co-travelling family members or friends is definitely not a pure extraordinary tourism activity. Such “VFR-travelling” is essentially about realizing family or social life at-a-distance. This could include obligations to see one another as well as willing support in housework or childcare. Everydayness enters “VFR-tourism.” Plus, if the hosts join their guests for breakfast out, don’t they themselves “act as if tourists” in their own cities (Lloyd/Clark 2001: 357)? The difficulties to discern tourists from locals also apply to people seeking to find the real city off the beaten track. It is the intensity of this genuine tourist interest in certain aspects of local everyday life, which has increased awareness of “New Urban Tourism” as a phenomenon in its own right (Dirksmeier/Helbrecht 2015). The latter is not easy to identify because people doing what researchers call “New Urban Tourism” are often experienced city users who “want to fit in, rather than stand to one side” (Maitland/Newman 2009: 135). Nevertheless, one could record that also places of “New Urban Tourism” are “places in which overlapping activities of tourism and leisure now form part of its [the cities] fabric and life“ (Maitland 2010: 176). “New Urban Tourism” consumes and produces the urban.

Hence, now that visitors are out to live like a local and locals act as if tourists, we should ask: What begins beyond thinking of urban tourism in terms of binaries? And, what do controversies about urban “overtourism” tell us about all that?

The trans/-local co-production of tourist places: conflicts as signifiers

Considering blurring borders between the clear-cut categories of tourism research, I argue that the debate about “overtourism” sparks pondering on urban tourism anew. The “overtourism” controversies envision that tourism matters beyond its well-known economic effects (taxes, jobs, etc.). Tourism-induced conflicts signify that tourism is not a discrete and isolated activity but co-produces the urban. Even more, particularly tourism-related conflicts make the trans-/local entanglement of cities and tourism present. This trans-/local entanglement of cities and tourism is getting visible where trans-local and local processes intersect in a divisive manner. Two examples may help to illustrate this thought:

Firstly, think of the “peer-to-business-to-peer” (van de Glind 2015) homesharing platforms, which interlink trans-local and local forms of economic activity. The companies manage accommodations globally; mobilize global flows of money/taxes and structure the way travelers dwell. This works because people worldwide commodify their local housing space. Hence, it is the local housing market where these trans-/local processes intersect and a contentious matter of concern related to tourism emerges. Namely, the conversion of apartments into “pure” holiday flats which is criticized against the backdrop of a rising rents, gentrification and tight housing markets (Novy/Colomb 2017). Secondly, think of Berlin’s destination and culture marketing campaign with the tagline “365/24 Berlin.” This campaign, saying that there is always something interesting going on in Berlin, is launched worldwide (e.g. in the media, at trade shows) to compete for potential visitors. Locally in turn, the message is criticized as invitation to party “24/7” in the neighborhoods. In this case, disparate local and (intended) trans-local readings of the campaign make it a contested narrative; the trans-locally oriented campaign is criticized for its potential local effects.

Such trans-/local tourism-related processes take place and shape the urban of course not only within a purely discursive arena. In fact, trans-/local forms of tourism related “city making” continuously spawn concrete urban places. This is what will be detailed exemplarily in the next section. The first example, the Checkpoint Charlie, represents an inner-city must see. The most famous former crossing point between East and West Germany currently sparks (again) a semi-public debate about how this heritage site/sight should be developed. The second example is located off the beaten track. The happening-like evening socials at the Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg show that they are co-performed by visitors and locals alike. Yet, the case of the Admiralbrücke has been contested, for example due to nightly noise disturbances or pollution through garbage.

Checkpoint Charlie: Material affordances and fixings of an unbounded touristscape

Without doubt, the former border crossing Checkpoint Charlie could be considered to be one of the most popular heritage sites in Berlin. Thousands of people visit the museums and (temporary) exhibitions located on the spot each year. They listen to the explanatory notes of their guides; enjoy taking photos with actors dressed up as border guards (image 1); eat in the restaurants nearby and so on. This tourism is not an unquestioned matter of course. Since the removal of the border installations in 1990, the daily tourism-related occurrence at Checkpoint Charlie has triggered some controversies about the “right” culture of remembrance on site. When it comes to the status quo or future perspectives of the place, some see or fear “Disneyfication,” others elitism (Frank 2011). So, the question at stake is how the “right” culture of remembrance on site should look like. And, for the purpose of this piece: What does this question tell us about the trans-/local entanglement of the city and tourism?

Image 1, Performances of photography at Checkpoint Charlie, credits: C. Sommer

Answering this question leads at first to the observation that the “right” culture of remembrance is apparently intimately linked to the material setting of the scenery. It is noteworthy that local disputes about the appropriate way the site/sight should be used are constituted around these distinct material (re-)configurations. I will detail that referring to the reconstructed checkpoint booth as well as to a planned Hardrock Hotel. Firstly, I elaborate on the material affordance of the checkpoint booth, which triggers the performative co-production of the place by tourists. Thereby, the translocality of the place will become visible in terms of globally informed modes of touring sights in an experience-oriented manner. The latter typify the place inevitably. Secondly, I show another dimension of the translocality of the place: The undeveloped lots on sites attract global tourism-related tourism facilities like e.g. the planned Hardrock Hotel. The latter interlinks, in turn, a globally sought experience promise with memorabilia of music culture. Both infrastructures, the booth a well as the planned hotel, are specifically related with a “Disneyfication” blame.

So, the reconstructed checkpoint booth and its material “affordance” (Gibson 1966, quoted from Edensor 2007: 206) is the issue to start with. The term affordance gears towards the “ material textures of space […] which provide[s] spatial potentialities, constraining and enabling a range of actions (ibid., emphasis in the original). In this sense, the booth at Checkpoint Charlie has agency; it invites visitors to take pictures. As an essential set piece of the place it determines the “tourist gaze” upon Checkpoint Charlie – because this “tourist gaze” is crucially constructed through performances of photography (Urry/Larsen 2011). At Checkpoint Charlie the art of tourist photography is prototypically exemplified since what matters here is to “place one’s ‘loved ones’ within an ‘attraction’ in such a way that both are represented aesthetically” (Urry/Larsen 2011: 179). These performances of photography co-produce the scenery. One can observe that visitors habitually touring heritage sites/sights in an experience-oriented manner do appreciate the scenery and thereby they bring it into being. The performances of photography inevitably typify Checkpoint Charlie according to intercontinentally informed modes of touring heritage sites/sights. However, in the reporting on Checkpoint Charlie exactly this extensive doing of photography triggers reservations. Putting the reconstructed border infrastructures and re-enacted border guards into the picture is disqualified as a trivial doing that fosters “Disneyfication.”

Currently, this tendentious term is also made use of in the course of a semi-public debate about the future of two undeveloped building plots located at Checkpoint Charlie. The planned Hardrock Hotel, which most likely will be built on one of the lots, triggers the “Disneyfication” blame less due to trivial tourism performances but to a feared standardization. This feared standardization also signifies the translocality of the place. Nevertheless, also this controversy is revealingly linked to the material setting of the place, better: the potential of the empty space. Currently, the latter is “in play” with capital flows of the real estate business as well as the tourism industry. Hence, the planned Hardrock Hotel represents how urban tourist places emerge in the conjuncture of trans-/local processes. At “unique locations“ (Hard Rock Cafe International Inc. 2018), like Checkpoint Charlie, the hotel project interlinks a globally sought experience promise with memorabilia of music culture. In this sense the hotel illustrates how tourism places truly organize a multiplicity of intersecting mobilities, which typify their unbounded character (Bærenholdt et al. 2008).

Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg: Co-Performing urban hangout commons

In opposition to Checkpoint Charlie, which is an inner-city tourist attraction, it is in the neighborhood spaces that most of the conflict potential of tourism is harbored (Sommer/Helbrecht 2017). At stake are for instance nighttime noise, littering, the conversion of rental apartments into holiday flats or feelings of alienation by some residents. Hence, the second case I refer to is located off the beaten track, in an area that tourism researchers would label a “New Tourism Area” (Maitland/Newman 2004: 339). In short, the Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg is a small traffic-calmed bridge and the stage for happening-like summertime gatherings [2] of (nowadays) up to 300 people (image 2). To be sure, the Admiralbrücke represents not an isolated case; similar hang-out spots exist in other European cities as well.

Image 2, Co-Performing evening socials at Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg , credits: C. Sommer

One stereotype, which is frequently invoked in the controversy at stake, is that tourists are the ones causing the noise conflicts (see e.g. mediation report StreitEntknoten 2010). So, the initial questions are: who is actually taking part in the summertime gatherings on site and what does this tell us about the trans-/local entanglement of the city and tourism?

Albeit there exist no large-scale surveys regarding the types of people gathering at the bridge, some smaller analyses show that a high share of the people hanging out there are locals (Kaschuba 2014). Also ethnographic site visits, conducted by the author, indicate that the gatherings at Admiralbrücke are co-produced by a broad range of (temporary) city users like neighbors, Berliners, expats, interns, tourists and so on (Sommer/Kip 2019). Hence, the scenery is co-performed as (contested) collective good – “as an aggregation of individual interests to participate in a collective endeavor that is neither driven by economic nor regulatory interests” (ibid. 6). Whereby, the experience of collectivity is typified both by relative anonymity and the prospect of unforeseen contacts. All in all, two essential promises seem to structure the appeal of this (tourist) place. Namely, for one, to be part of some kind of temporary happening-like group experience. Plus, it seems to be equally important to experience the urban outdoors by itself. Nevertheless, the case at stake, performed by temporary chill-out communities manifests the determining role material configurations play in the ongoing re-production of “New Urban Touristscapes.” The performance perspective highlights, regarding the gatherings on Admiralbrücke, that “the spatiality of the scenery is emphatically experienced, affectively understood and physically incorporated and enacted” (Helbrecht/Dirksmeier 2013: 285). Think for example of the bollards in the middle of the bridge (Image 2) which originally haven been installed to reduce car traffic on it. Nowadays, they serve as seats. In this sense, the bollards cannot be reduced to merely passive carriers of meanings – they afford to sit on them.

Synopsis: Co-performed and unbounded but materially fixed touristscapes

The tourism-related happenings at Checkpoint Charlie and the Admiralbrücke exemplify what is theoretically elaborated regarding the complexity and unboundedness of tourist places. The particular controversies related to tourism at Checkpoint Charlie and the Admiralbrücke prompt revealing questions. In case of the former the key question at stake is: How should the “right” culture of remembrance on this (tourist) sight/site look like? Regarding the happening-like evening socials at Admiralbrücke, it is routinely asked: Who is actually taking part in the noisy summertime gatherings on site?

The observations triggered by these questions illustrate what advanced conceptualizations of tourist places claim. In particular, two observations help to understand Checkpoint Charlie and Admiralbrücke as co-performed and unbounded but materially fixed hybrids “bridging the realms of humans and nonhumans” (Bærenholdt et al. 2004: 2). Both considerations, which I sum up hereafter, build the basis for my conclusions regarding future research on urban tourism beyond binaries.

Firstly, urban tourist places emerge where trans-/local processes intersect; they are brought into being by performances of tourists and other temporary city users. Conflicts ascribed to tourism signify such intersections and co-productive performances. In case of Checkpoint Charlie, divisive ideas of how to visit a heritage site/sight encounter. Co-producing the site/sight through experience-oriented performances of photography triggers some reservations on the part of those who would prefer more cautious site visits. Nonetheless, Checkpoint Charlie is inevitably typified by globally informed performances of tourist photography. Plus, the inner-city must see is shaped by the flows of money mobilized and locally fixed by the global tourism industry and its experience promise – in this case by the Hard Rock Cafe International Inc. The plan of the latter to build a Hotel is contested due to the increasingly standardized facilities crystalizing on site (McDonald’s, KFC etc.). In case of the Admiralbrücke, tourists are frequently blamed for the noisy gatherings on site. However, research shows that a broad range of visitors (from other parts of town or the world) co-produces the happening-like evening socials – which are contested but also continuously attracting temporary urban chill-out communities.

Secondly, both examples render visible the determining role local material set pieces (immobilities) of tourist places play. With Sheller/Urry one could record that the reconstructed checkpoint booth as well as the bollards on the Admiralbrücke represent objects “that contingently fix certain networks of play and pleasure” (2004: 6). At Checkpoint Charlie, the material infrastructures trigger performances of photography, and, in the future, ways of tourist dwelling according to the global Hardrock brand promise. The material set pieces of the happenings at Admiralbrücke cannot be reduced to merely passive carriers of meanings and sign-value. The bollards’ affordance to lean on them is a striking example of this significance of materiality. Not least, the controversies related to the cases at stake seem to be intimately linked to the material fixings of these unbounded tourist sites/sights.

Conclusion: What begins at the end of urban tourism, as we know it?

For sure, the entanglement of cities and tourism is on the agenda of tourism/urban studies. There exists fruitful research on “Protest and Resistance in the Tourist City” (Colomb/Novy 2017), the interrelation of “Tourism and Gentrification in Contemporary Metropolises“ (Gravari-Barbas/Guinand 2017) or the entanglement of “Tourism and Everyday Life in the Contemporary City [3] ” (Frisch/Sommer et al. 2019). With regard to the deliberately chosen examples at stake in this piece, there are – however – two issues, which in general need to be elaborated in more detail (conceptually and empirically). This is the socio-materiality of tourist places as well as their sociality as joyful urban sceneries.

According to Cohen/Cohen’s review article on ‘New Directions in the Sociology of Tourism’ (2017) the literature confirms the need to conceptually detail the significance of materiality in research on tourism. However, it is neither ANT alone, nor a sole focus on objects, which informs this aspiration (like Cohen/Cohen record). On the one hand, taking materiality conceptually into account stems from a broader understanding of space as “agentified.” The latter builds e.g. on STS, assemblage thinking or the social anthropology of Tim Ingold (Niewöhner 2014). On the other hand, drawing on performance and on Ingold’s work (e.g. on ‘taskscapes’) to approach tourist places necessarily means to take materiality seriously. Bærenholdt et al. for example stress that tourist places could be understood as “hybrid artefacts, drawing together mobilities and proximities that crosscut the realms of the social and the material” (2004: 6). It is recorded that “places are (re)produced through systems of tourist performances, made possible and contingently stabilized through networked relationships with other […] buildings, objects and machines” (ibid.: 151). Hence, it is misleading, like Ingold (2010) shows, to stick to the question if objects have agency. What needs to be detailed empirically is rather how tourist performances relate to materiality in concrete terms. After all, this is a defining strength of the performance approach , which highlights that actions are not conceivable without taking stages, décor or set pieces into account. Regarding urban tourist places, it seems to be promising and necessary to detail how this “spacing” (Crouch 2003: 1953) as “the constitutive part of performativity in the relation to surroundings” (ibid.) empirically looks like. Maybe the notion of “urban assemblages” (Farias 2009) offers a powerful foundation to do so. This approach gears to grasp the city as continuously assembled at concrete sites of urban practice. It claims to keep in mind, how “the city and urban life are literally being reconstructed and remade, how urban materials, technologies and different urban life forms are composed and hold together in practice” (Farias 2011). Urban “must sees” (like Checkpoint Charlie) represent promising cases to conduct urban (tourism) studies interested in the socio-materiality of tourism-related urban sceneries.

The second issue, which seems to be sparking for future urban (tourism) studies, results from the observation that studies “considering the intersection between performances of tourists and locals within the frame of conflict […] and opposition […]” offer “only a limited account of the possible outcomes of these encounters” (Giovanardi et al. 2014: 104). For sure, it is acknowledged that “overlapping activities of tourism and leisure now form part of its [the cities] fabric and life” (Maitland 2010: 176). But, what is emerging there concretely? The case of Admiralbrücke tentatively frames the happening-like hangout practices as kind of urban commons (Sommer/Kip 2019). The temporary chill-out communities, constituted by a broad range of city users, co-perform a (contested) social good. From an empirical point of view, it seems to be interesting to pin down further manifestations of the productive momentum of tourism-related performances, flows and mobilities – which represent constituents of cities beyond abstract economic effect (taxes, jobs) and conflicts. Conceptually, the case of Admiralbrücke confirms to further transgress the dualism of exotic others and significant others (Larsen 2008). Not only family members and friends represent significant co-travelling others, but also co-dwelling urbanites seem to do so.

So, what begins at the end of urban tourism, as we know it? This is an open question in a positive sense. Hopefully, the exemplary cases presented in this piece show that there is a lot to discover beyond an understanding of tourism in terms of binaries. Urban (tourism) studies would profit – empirically and as well conceptually.

Christoph Sommer works at the interface of urban studies and consulting (recently: Tourism Strategy for Berlin). He holds a diploma in Geography from LMU München and is currently pursuing his PhD at Humboldt University Berlin. He is co-founder and member of the “Urban Research Group New Urban Tourism” at the Georg Simmel Center for Metropolitan Studies.  

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Sommer, C., Kip, M. (forthcoming) Commoning in New Tourism Areas: Co-performing evening socials at Admiralbrücke in Berlin-Kreuzberg. in: Frisch, T., Sommer, C., Stoltenberg, L., Stors, N. (eds.) Tourism and Everyday Life in the Contemporary City . Oxon: Routledge.

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[1] In Berlin, VFR-Tourism accounts for most of the annual overnight stays (visitBerlin 2017)!

[2] Think e.g. of the Plaza Del Dos de Mayo (Madrid), Piazza Dell’immacolata (Rome), Gärtnerplatz (Munich), the Canal Saint-Martin (Paris) or the Colonne di San Lorenzo in Milan.

[3] Forthcoming anthology, co-edited by members of the Urban Research Group New Urban Tourism at the Georg Simmel Center for Studies (HU Berlin)

Published on May 1, 2018.

Public Spaces, Urban Heritage, and Politics

On Urban Research in Europe: An Interview with Pekka Tuominen

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Urban tourism.

Urban tourism refers to the consumption of city spectacles (such as architecture, monuments, and parks) and cultural amenities (such as museums, restaurants, and performances) by visitors. Studying urban tourism requires taking seriously leisure activities and transient populations, features of the city that much of past urban theory declines to address. However, a number of developments in recent decades have led tourism to assume a larger place in urban scholarship. As industrial manufacturing deserts dense urban areas, entertainment plays an expanded role in many city economies. Leisure and consumption for some means work and profits for others. The attraction and accommodation of visitors has become a central concern for public and private city elites. The sizable but fleeting population of visitors to the city has a surprising influence over local politics, investment choices, and the built environment.

The label ‘‘tourist’’ frequently evokes pejorative connotations, which color not only popular but also scholarly representations. While crude stereotypes of the tourist suggest a plodding brute oblivious to all but the most obvious and pre packaged attractions of the urban landscape, the leisure activity of tourism in fact contains a wide range of consumption activities and orientations toward the city. Moreover, the ‘‘business or pleasure’’ distinction obscures the fact that many trips are multipurpose, with business travelers also shopping, visiting museums, and dining out. Susan Fainstein and Dennis Judd advocate the use of the term visitor rather than tourist, and see tourism as a particular mode of activity in which visitors engage. Especially today, even permanent residents may at times use aspects of their own cities ‘‘as if tourists,’’ consuming its spectacular, exotic, and heterogeneous amenities (Lloyd & Clark 2001).

Cities have long been privileged destinations for visitors as well as sites of residence. The ancient city was a destination for pilgrims, merchants, political envoys, and adventurers, some of whom produced accounts of the exotic spectacles they encountered. The industrial revolution led to rapid growth in the permanent populations of large European and US cities during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During the industrial epoch large cities remained spaces of spectacle and a multitude of entertainments. In the prototypical industrial city of Chicago, for example, city elites were not satisfied merely being hog butcher to the world, actively seeking to enhance the city’s cultural image and attract visitors by launching the Columbian exposition of 1892 (in which the Ferris Wheel was introduced).

Still, the sociological study of the city, grounded in the massive growth of urban areas coinciding with the industrial revolution, has traditionally treated tourism peripherally if at all. The last half century, however, has brought significant change. Industry has increasingly declined in the older cities of the US and other developed nations, enhanced technologies of transportation and communication have made travel far more convenient and widely available, and the aesthetic and experiential dimensions of consumption have come to play an arguably much greater role in the global economy. Fast growing cities like Las Vegas and Orlando feature economies primarily organized around tourism and consumption. For old and new cities, the active production of spectacle and consumption opportunities is now a crucial feature of the political economy. In this case, tour ism can no longer be a tertiary concern for urban theory.

In the 1980s, newly popular theories of post modernism took the lead in examining the city as a site of spectacle and consumption. Focusing on the signifying qualities of the material landscape, thinkers such Umberto Eco, Jean Baudrillard, and Mark Gottdeiner direct considerable attention to tourist destinations like the Las Vegas strip and Disneyland. The postmodern tendency to emphasize the transient and the ephemeral in social life likewise results in considerable attention to the spaces and activities of tourists. In this light it is unsurprising that Frederic Jameson identifies Los Angeles’s Bonaventure Hotel as the signature space of ‘‘postmodernism in the city.’’ While these approaches have been influential, the mostly semiotic method employed in them is dissatisfying for many sociologists.

Disneyland and Las Vegas remain potent models that inform the study of the post industrial city as an object of consumption. Many theorists advance the notion that the city itself is increasingly constructed as a theme park in order to entice consumers. These approaches, which can be called the ‘‘Disneyfication’’ or ‘‘theme park’’ models of urban tourism (Sorkin 1992; Hannigan 1998; Bryman 2004), emphasize homogenizing tendencies in large cities, as tourist spaces come to look much the same from one city to the next. They focus on the injection of large scale developments such as sports stadiums, convention halls, and shopping malls into formerly decaying areas. Baltimore’s Inner Harbor and Chicago’s Navy Pier are signature spaces of this style of redevelopment in the US. These spaces of consumption tend to be highly segregated from the rest of the city and the everyday activity of residents. Hence, Judd (1999) identifies the construction of ‘‘tourist bubbles,’’ districts that organize tourist activity in a highly regimented fashion while actively excluding undesirable elements.

The success of Disneyfied tourist entertainment is more uneven than these approaches usually anticipate, and themed entertainment venues like Planet Hollywood and the Rainforest Cafe routinely failed during the 1990s. Critics like Michael Sorkin (1992) decry the ‘‘inauthenticity’’ of themed spaces; what is increasingly clear is that tourists themselves often wish to consume what they perceive to be authentic attractions within a city. Rather than the homogenization of the urban landscape that Disneyfication anticipates, these attractions derive from specific aspects of local identity. Many cities combine large scale theme developments with more ‘‘indigenous’’ cultural attractions. Grazian (2003) shows that tourists search for authenticity in entertainments such as the Blues in Memphis and Chicago, or country music in Nashville. Local venues strategize to satisfy these expectations, producing what MacCannell (1999) identifies as ‘‘staged authenticity.’’ Often, tourists practice multiple styles of consumption, in Chicago visiting obligatory attractions like Navy Pier, the Sears Tower Observation Deck, and the splendid shopping of the Miracle Mile, while also attempting to locate the ‘‘real’’ Chicago in smoky Blues clubs ‘‘off the beaten path.’’

Indeed, the attraction of cities for tourists derives from both the breadth and the depth of urban culture. Breadth signals the diversity of attractions that center city districts are uniquely poised to offer, which can include professional sports, museums of various sorts, high, low, and middlebrow theater, musical performances, and an exceptionally wide range of dining and shopping opportunities. Depth refers to the cumulative nature of a city’s identity (Suttles 1984), the resonance that attaches to particular aspects of the built environment and local culture. These include landmarks like the Eiffel Tower, the Golden Gate Bridge, or the Empire State Building. Tourists may experience Yankee Stadium as pleasantly haunted by the ghosts of Ruth and Mantle and the streets of Greenwich Village by past generations of storied bohemians. Thus, while some popular tourist destinations such as Orlando and Las Vegas are constituted almost entirely by prefabricated entertainments, and revel in the absence of depth, many others are valued for a place identity that emerges from distinct and varied histories.

At a more mundane but equally important level, cities contain essential infrastructure, achieved through a balance of public and private investment, which enables them to accommodate large numbers of visitors. Such infrastructure includes airports, convention centers, and significant amounts of lodging. Conventions are major vehicles for attracting visitors, and in these cases corporate expense accounts underwrite consumption in restaurants and other entertainment venues. Just as Chicago competed to win the Columbian Exposition near the end of the nineteenth century, entering the twenty first century urban boosters are locked in competition for major conventions as well as other high profile, visitor attracting events such as the Olympics or the Super Bowl.

Local boosters argue that new tourist attractions generate multiplier effects that will improve the tax base and benefit permanent residents. Actual results have been uneven. While the entertainment economy of large cities implies a substantial workforce, the service jobs created are often far less promising than the manufacturing jobs that they replace, representing a mostly disorganized sector of cleaning personnel, kitchen staff, ticket takers, and the like. Casino gaming, a strategy for attracting tourist dollars recently turned to by the most economically desperate urban districts, including downtown Detroit and Gary, appears to produce particularly dubious effects for the local quality of life of poor residents.

The costs and benefits of tourist enterprises promise to be important objects of both theoretical and policy analyses in coming years. In the wake of the 2001 attack on the World Trade Center, security has emerged as another key factor in the regulation of city visitors that will bear considerable scrutiny. Long ignored, the relationship between cities and their visitors has become a core concern in contemporary urban theory.

References:

• Baudrillard, J. (1989) America. Verso, New York.
• Bryman, A. (2004) The Disneyization of Society. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA.
• Eco, U. (1986) Travels in Hyperreality. Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, New York.
• Gottdeiner, M. (1995) Postmodern Semiotics: Material Culture and the Forms of Postmodern Life. Blackwell, Oxford.
• Grazian, D. (2003) Blue Chicago: The Search for Authenticity in Urban Blues Clubs. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
• Hannigan, J. (1998) Fantasy City: Pleasure and Profit in the Postmodern Metropolis. Routledge, New York.
• Hoffman, L. M., Fainstein, S. S., & Judd, D. R. (Eds.) (2003) Cities and Visitors: Regulating People, Markets and City Space. Blackwell, Oxford.
• Jameson, F. (1991) Postmodernism: or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Duke University Press, Durham, NC.
• Judd, D. R. (1999) Constructing the Tourist Bubble. In: Judd, D. R. & Fainstein, S. (Eds.), The Tourist City. Yale University Press, New Haven.
• Lloyd, R. & Clark, T. N. (2001) The City as an Entertainment Machine. Research in Urban Sociol ogy: Critical Perspectives on Urban Redevelopment 6: 357-78.
• MacCannell, D. (1999) The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. University of California Press, Berkeley.
• Sorkin, M. (Ed.) (1992) Variations on a Theme Park. Hill & Wang, New York.
• Suttles, G. (1984) The Cumulative Texture of Local Urban Culture. American Journal of Sociology 90: 283-304.
• Urry, J. (1990) The Tourist Gaze. Sage, London.

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Urban Eco-Tourism: Exploring Cities Sustainably

• Eco-Tourism

Urban eco-tourism refers to visiting urban areas that have implemented sustainable practices and initiatives to preserve their natural environment and cultural heritage. It differs from traditional tourism in that it encourages visitors to explore cities and appreciate their sustainable initiatives, promotes environmentally-friendly options for accommodations and transportation, and emphasizes reducing environmental impact. The benefits of urban eco-tourism include promoting sustainability, preserving cultural heritage, and contributing to economic growth.

Key Takeaways:

• Urban eco-tourism promotes sustainable travel within cities, allowing visitors to explore urban environments while minimizing their impact on the environment.
• It offers opportunities to learn about and appreciate the natural and cultural heritage of urban areas, including parks, green spaces, and historical landmarks.
• By engaging in eco-friendly activities such as walking tours, cycling, or using public transportation, tourists can reduce carbon emissions and contribute to the overall sustainability of cities.
• Urban eco-tourism encourages local economic development by supporting small businesses, promoting local products and services, and creating job opportunities in the tourism sector.
• Through responsible tourism practices, urban eco-tourism aims to foster a sense of environmental stewardship among both tourists and local residents, encouraging them to protect and preserve their city’s natural resources for future generations.

1. What is urban eco-tourism and how does it differ from traditional tourism?

Definition of urban eco-tourism.

Urban eco-tourism refers to the practice of visiting urban areas that have implemented sustainable practices and initiatives to preserve their natural environment and cultural heritage. It involves exploring cities in a way that minimizes negative impacts on the environment and maximizes positive contributions to local communities.

Related Travels

Differences from Traditional Tourism

Urban eco-tourism differs from traditional tourism in several ways. Firstly, traditional tourism often focuses on popular tourist destinations such as beaches or historical sites, while urban eco-tourism encourages visitors to explore cities and appreciate their sustainable initiatives. Secondly, traditional tourism may prioritize luxury accommodations and activities, whereas urban eco-tourism promotes environmentally-friendly options such as eco-friendly hotels, public transportation, and locally-sourced food. Lastly, traditional tourism may have a larger carbon footprint due to air travel and resource-intensive activities, while urban eco-tourism emphasizes reducing environmental impact through sustainable transportation options like walking or cycling tours.

Overall, urban eco-tourism aims to provide visitors with an immersive experience that combines exploration of the city’s natural beauty with an understanding of its sustainable practices, ultimately fostering a sense of environmental stewardship among tourists.

Benefits of Urban Eco-Tourism:

• Promotes sustainability: By showcasing cities’ efforts in implementing sustainable practices, urban eco-tourism raises awareness about the importance of environmental conservation.
• Preserves cultural heritage: Urban eco-tourism allows visitors to learn about a city’s history, traditions, and cultural landmarks while supporting their preservation.
• Economic growth: Sustainable tourism practices can stimulate the local economy by creating jobs in sectors such as hospitality, transportation, and local businesses.
• Community engagement: Urban eco-tourism encourages interaction between tourists and local communities, fostering cultural exchange and mutual understanding.

2. How are cities incorporating sustainable practices into their tourism offerings?

Cities around the world are increasingly recognizing the importance of incorporating sustainable practices into their tourism offerings. One way they are doing this is by promoting eco-friendly accommodations and transportation options. Many cities now have a range of environmentally-conscious hotels and guesthouses that prioritize energy efficiency, waste reduction, and water conservation. Additionally, cities are encouraging visitors to use public transportation or rent bicycles to explore the city, reducing reliance on cars and minimizing carbon emissions.

Another way cities are incorporating sustainable practices is through the promotion of local and organic food options. Many urban areas now have farmers markets or food festivals that showcase locally sourced produce and products. This not only supports local farmers and businesses but also reduces the carbon footprint associated with transporting food long distances.

Cities are also investing in green spaces and parks to provide visitors with opportunities to connect with nature. These green spaces often include walking trails, bike paths, and wildlife habitats, allowing tourists to experience the natural beauty of a city while minimizing their impact on the environment.

Copenhagen, Denmark

Copenhagen has been at the forefront of sustainable tourism practices for many years. The city has implemented an extensive network of bike lanes and rental bikes, making it easy for visitors to explore the city without relying on cars. Copenhagen also promotes eco-friendly accommodations and has set a goal to become carbon neutral by 2025.

Vancouver, Canada

Vancouver is known for its commitment to sustainability and has implemented various initiatives to incorporate sustainable practices into its tourism offerings. The city encourages visitors to use public transportation or walk instead of driving, offers numerous green spaces such as Stanley Park, which provides opportunities for outdoor activities while preserving natural habitats.

– Promotion of eco-friendly accommodations – Encouragement of public transportation usage – Support for local food options – Investment in green spaces and parks

3. What are some popular urban eco-tourism destinations around the world?

Urban eco-tourism destinations have gained popularity in recent years as travelers seek to explore cities while minimizing their impact on the environment. Some popular urban eco-tourism destinations around the world include:

1. Portland, Oregon, USA: Known for its commitment to sustainability, Portland offers a range of eco-friendly activities and attractions. Visitors can explore the city’s extensive network of bike lanes, visit local farmers markets, and enjoy the abundant green spaces such as Forest Park.

2. Stockholm, Sweden: Stockholm is renowned for its sustainable practices and has been named Europe’s Green Capital. The city boasts numerous green spaces, including Djurgården Island, which offers opportunities for outdoor activities and wildlife spotting.

3. Singapore: Despite being a highly urbanized city-state, Singapore has made significant efforts to incorporate sustainable practices into its tourism offerings. The city is known for its impressive vertical gardens and green buildings, such as Gardens by the Bay and Marina Barrage.

4. Reykjavik, Iceland: Reykjavik is a prime example of how cities can integrate sustainability into their tourism offerings while preserving their natural surroundings. Visitors can explore geothermal pools, hike in nearby national parks, and experience sustainable architecture throughout the city.

5. Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne has been recognized as one of the world’s most livable cities due to its commitment to sustainability. The city promotes cycling through its extensive bike lane network and offers various eco-friendly attractions such as rooftop gardens and sustainable food markets.

These urban eco-tourism destinations offer visitors a unique blend of vibrant city life with opportunities to engage in environmentally-friendly activities and experiences.

– Portland, Oregon: Bike lanes, farmers markets – Stockholm, Sweden: Green spaces like Djurgården Island – Singapore: Vertical gardens, green buildings – Reykjavik, Iceland: Geothermal pools, sustainable architecture – Melbourne, Australia: Bike lanes, rooftop gardens

4. How can urban eco-tourism contribute to the local economy while preserving the environment?

Urban eco-tourism has the potential to contribute significantly to the local economy while preserving the environment. By promoting sustainable practices and attractions, cities can attract environmentally-conscious tourists who are willing to spend money on eco-friendly experiences.

One way urban eco-tourism contributes to the local economy is through job creation. Sustainable tourism initiatives often require a workforce dedicated to maintaining green spaces, managing eco-friendly accommodations, and providing guided tours focused on environmental conservation. This creates employment opportunities for local residents and stimulates economic growth.

Furthermore, urban eco-tourism can support local businesses that prioritize sustainability. Visitors who choose to stay in eco-friendly accommodations or dine at restaurants that source their ingredients locally contribute directly to the local economy. This encourages businesses to adopt sustainable practices and invest in environmentally-friendly initiatives.

Additionally, urban eco-tourism can generate revenue through entrance fees or donations for access to natural parks or protected areas within a city. These funds can be reinvested into environmental preservation efforts and infrastructure development.

Overall, by embracing urban eco-tourism and integrating sustainable practices into their tourism offerings, cities can create a positive economic impact while ensuring the long-term preservation of their natural resources.

– Job creation in sustainable tourism sector – Support for local businesses prioritizing sustainability – Revenue generation through entrance fees or donations for access to natural parks

5. What types of activities and attractions can visitors expect to find in urban eco-tourism destinations?

Outdoor adventures.

In urban eco-tourism destinations, visitors can expect a wide range of outdoor adventures. These may include hiking and biking trails through natural parks or green spaces within the city. Urban eco-tourism destinations often have designated areas for bird watching, where visitors can observe a variety of bird species in their natural habitats. Additionally, some cities offer guided nature walks or eco-friendly boat tours along rivers or coastlines.

Sustainable Cultural Experiences

Urban eco-tourism also offers visitors the opportunity to engage in sustainable cultural experiences. This may involve visiting local farmers’ markets to learn about organic farming practices and sample fresh produce. Visitors can also participate in workshops or classes that teach traditional crafts or skills, such as pottery making or weaving using sustainable materials. Urban eco-tourism destinations often organize cultural festivals that showcase local traditions and promote sustainable practices.

List of Activities:

– Hiking and biking trails – Bird watching – Nature walks – Eco-friendly boat tours – Visiting farmers’ markets – Participating in workshops or classes on traditional crafts – Attending cultural festivals

6. How do urban planners and policymakers ensure that urban eco-tourism is integrated seamlessly into the city’s infrastructure?

Sustainable infrastructure development.

To integrate urban eco-tourism seamlessly into a city’s infrastructure, urban planners and policymakers focus on sustainable development strategies. They prioritize creating green spaces within the city, such as parks and gardens, which provide recreational areas for both residents and tourists while preserving biodiversity. Additionally, they promote the use of renewable energy sources by implementing solar panels on buildings and encouraging electric transportation options.

Collaboration with Stakeholders

Urban planners and policymakers also collaborate with various stakeholders, including local businesses, community organizations, and residents. They engage in dialogue to understand the needs and concerns of these groups and incorporate their input into the planning process. This collaboration ensures that urban eco-tourism initiatives align with the city’s overall vision and benefit all stakeholders involved.

List of Strategies:

– Creating green spaces within the city – Implementing renewable energy sources – Encouraging electric transportation options – Collaborating with local businesses, community organizations, and residents

7. What are some challenges faced by cities in promoting and implementing sustainable tourism practices?

Lack of awareness.

One challenge faced by cities in promoting sustainable tourism practices is a lack of awareness among both tourists and locals. Many people may not be familiar with the concept of sustainable tourism or its benefits. Cities need to invest in educational campaigns to raise awareness about sustainable practices and encourage visitors to make environmentally conscious choices during their stay.

Resistance to Change

Another challenge is resistance to change from established businesses or individuals who may be hesitant to adopt new sustainable practices. This resistance can stem from concerns about increased costs or disruptions to existing operations. Cities must address these concerns through incentives, subsidies, or regulations that promote sustainability while also addressing the economic viability of businesses.

List of Challenges:

– Lack of awareness among tourists and locals – Resistance to change from established businesses or individuals

8. Are there any specific certifications or standards that cities can obtain to showcase their commitment to urban eco-tourism?

Leed certification.

Cities can obtain LEED (Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design) certification for their buildings and infrastructure projects. This certification demonstrates a commitment to sustainability by meeting specific criteria related to energy efficiency, water conservation, and materials usage.

Green Globe Certification

The Green Globe certification is another standard that cities can obtain to showcase their commitment to urban eco-tourism. This certification focuses on sustainable tourism practices and requires compliance with criteria related to environmental performance, social responsibility, and cultural heritage preservation.

List of Certifications:

– LEED Certification – Green Globe Certification

9. How do local communities benefit from urban eco-tourism initiatives?

Economic opportunities.

Urban eco-tourism initiatives provide local communities with economic opportunities. As tourists visit the city to engage in sustainable activities and experiences, local businesses thrive. This leads to job creation and increased revenue for the community. Additionally, eco-tourism often promotes the consumption of locally sourced products, supporting local farmers and artisans.

Preservation of Cultural Heritage

Urban eco-tourism initiatives also contribute to the preservation of cultural heritage within local communities. By showcasing traditional crafts, customs, and festivals, these initiatives help preserve cultural practices that may be at risk of being lost over time. This not only benefits the community but also provides visitors with unique cultural experiences.

List of Benefits:

– Economic opportunities through job creation and increased revenue – Preservation of cultural heritage

10. Can you provide examples of successful urban eco-tourism projects that have positively impacted both visitors and the environment?

1. the high line, new york city.

The High Line is an elevated park built on a historic freight rail line in Manhattan, New York City. This urban eco-tourism project has transformed an abandoned industrial structure into a beautiful green space, attracting millions of visitors each year. The park features native plants, sustainable design elements, and provides habitat for birds and insects.

• Enhanced visitor experience: The High Line offers a unique perspective of the city skyline while providing a tranquil escape from the bustling streets below.
• Improved air quality: The park’s vegetation helps filter pollutants and reduce carbon dioxide levels in the surrounding area.
• Biodiversity conservation: Native plantings attract various bird species and pollinators, contributing to local biodiversity.

2. Singapore’s Gardens by the Bay

Gardens by the Bay is a nature park spanning over 250 acres in Singapore. It showcases sustainable horticulture and garden artistry while promoting environmental awareness among visitors. The project incorporates innovative technologies such as solar energy and rainwater harvesting systems to minimize its ecological footprint.

• Educational opportunities: Gardens by the Bay offers educational programs and workshops on topics like sustainability, biodiversity, and conservation for both locals and tourists.
• Enhanced urban aesthetics: The park’s iconic Supertrees, vertical gardens covered in plants, create a visually stunning landscape that blends nature with modern architecture.
• Promotion of green practices: Through its sustainable initiatives, Gardens by the Bay inspires visitors to adopt eco-friendly behaviors in their daily lives.

These examples demonstrate how urban eco-tourism projects can successfully combine environmental conservation with visitor enjoyment. By repurposing existing infrastructure and incorporating sustainable practices, these projects have not only revitalized urban spaces but also raised awareness about the importance of protecting the environment.

In conclusion, urban eco-tourism offers a sustainable and immersive way to explore cities, allowing travelers to appreciate the natural beauty and cultural heritage while minimizing their impact on the environment.

How is eco tourism sustainable?

Ecotourism is a form of sustainable development with the purpose of minimizing the negative effects of tourism on natural environments. Any tourist destination can be negatively affected by high levels of tourism, potentially leading to permanent damage or loss of access for future generations. The goal of ecotourism is to mitigate these impacts and preserve the beauty of these areas.

What is sustainable urban tourism?

Solutions for sustainable urban tourism tackle concerns such as making cities more accessible, enhancing resilience, taking climate-friendly actions, and promoting diversity.

What are the 3 parts of urban sustainability?

Urban sustainability refers to the development of cities or urban areas that promote the long-term sustainability of social, financial, and environmental systems. It is focused on three main pillars: social, environmental, and financial/economic. This concept is specifically applied to the city environment.

What are the 3 main focus of sustainable tourism?

Sustainability principles in tourism development encompass the environmental, economic, and socio-cultural aspects, and it is crucial to find a harmonious equilibrium among these three dimensions to ensure its sustainability in the long run.

Why is sustainable eco tourism important?

The goal of ecotourism is to preserve the natural environment, support local communities in a culturally respectful manner, and educate travelers about the significance of sustainable travel. Energy efficiency, water conservation, and the safeguarding of wildlife and indigenous communities are all essential aspects.

How does ecotourism affect sustainability?

The goal of eco-tourism is to encourage greater awareness of the environment, create sustainable communities, provide cultural experiences, and promote the preservation and conservation of the environment. (Date: 18-Jan-2023)

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• the urban sprawl of South Florida
• The council is committed to a programme of urban regeneration .
• Pollution has reached disturbingly high levels in some urban areas .
• The speaker gave an interesting presentation on urban transport .
• The speed limit is strictly enforced on urban roads .
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urban | Amerikan İngilizcesi Sözlüğü

Urban | i̇ş i̇ngilizcesi, urban örnekleri, urban in çevirisi.

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